LOGIC, METHODOLOGY AND RATIONAL CHOICE MARXISM

Methodological issues present themselves as pressing matters
in sociology, philosophy, and the philosophy of science. Whether
stated or not, epistemological and logical assumptions and
problems inform contemporary discourse in sociological theory.
Within Marxist discourse, these questions assume a new
centrality. The tension that normally characterizes the
relationship between Marxist and non-Marxist on such questions as
materialism, dialectics, science, the accuracy of observation,
data, etc. is now appearing in the debates within Marxism.
Needless to say, a good part of this discourse has been
anticipated in the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin.1 Pauline
Vaillancourt (1986), for example, disputes the claim that
dialectics represents an alternative approach to science to that
put forward in the Baconian and Galilean traditions. She argues
the necessity of merging Marxism and instrumentalism in
developing an empirically verifiable research program (1988).
E.O. Wright, working within Marxism, attempted to bring “rigorous
empirical social science research methods” to Marxist questions.
A major dimension of Analytical Marxism is to inform Marxist
questions with methodological rigor in producing, in the words of
John Roemer, an “analytically sophisticated Marxism,” amenable to
positivist social science (1986:1). It would seem that a central
dimension of late twentieth century Marxist discourse is to
determine Marxism’s relationship to the empirical research
program of positivist social science. Such a project will
necessarily demand altering the correlation between Marxism and
non©Marixsm in the academy. The politics, therefore, of this
movement is geared to constructing a consensus between Marxism
and bourgeois social theory and methods.

E.O. Wright defines Analytical Marxism as the “systematic
interrogation and clarification of basic concepts and their
reconstruction into a more coherent structure” (1985:2). It
takes into account and extends the criticism of Marxism among
liberal and left academicians. Roemer argues that Analytical
Marxism’s methods are “conventional,” meaning they are based in
analytic and positivist epistemology. Moreover, along with a
“commitment to abstraction,” another characterizing feature of
this trend, according to Roemer, is a “search for foundations”
that is the micro or individual causes of collective behavior
(Ibid.). Hence, the individual, rather than social class emerges
in this project as the center of analysis. Roemer argues,
moreover, that Analytical Marxism asks questions that
conventional Marxism “sees no need to raise,” such as, “Why do
classes emerge as important collective actors (or do they)?; Why
is exploitation……wrong?; Is socialism in the interest of the
workers in modern capitalism?; Is socialist revolution or
transformation possible?; Is the proletariat unfree?” (1986:1).
Yet, more important than the questions are the answers and the
methods used to arrive at them. In answering these questions,
this trend has turned to “state of the art methods of analytical
philosophy and the positivist social science.” Roemer claims
that Analytical Marxism emerges out of conditions that go beyond
the academy. The most significant of these are “the chequered
success of socialism and the dubious failure of capitalism”
(Ibid.). Rather than totally dismissing Marxism or “retreat(ing)
to a Talmudic defense,” Analytical Marxism has adopted a course
which acknowledges “that Marxism is nineteenth century social
science.” As such, Roemer insists, “it is bound to be primitive
by modern standards, wrong in detail, and perhaps even in some
basic claims. Yet, its power in explaining certain historical
periods and events seems so strong that one feels there must be a
valid core which needs to be clarified and elucidated” (Ibid:2).
Roemer, as with his colleagues, expresses great confidence in the
methodological strength of analytic philosophy and positivist
social science a confidence not shared by prominent Anglo-American philosophers and philosophers of science. For instance, Richard Rorty charges that, “the notion of ‘logical analysis’turned upon itself and committed suicide” (1987:x). Hilary Putnam insists that “the accomplishments of analytic philosophy
are only negative; it destroyed the very problems with which it
started by successive failure even to determine what would count
as a solution” (Ibid.).

Nonetheless, in the U.S. and British academies, a robust
effort to unite two competing and, in fact, antagonist systems
into a new species of social theory is underway. Its core
embraces a wide spectrum of political, philosophical,
ideological, epistemological, theoretical, and methodological
issues. In attempting to reconstitute Marxism, it also seeks no
less to reconstitute academic social theory. It works out of the
body of Marxist tests; however, it seeks a radical alteration of
the categoreal grid and epistemological substance of Marxism.

PROBLEMS OF METHODOLOGY AND ANALYTICAL MARXISM

Jon Elster (1985, 1986) places methodological questions at
the heart of his effort to restate Marxism, locate the working
class, define exploitation, and assess the prospects for
socialist transformation. He makes the claim that Marxist method
is so widely used in the explanation of social phenomena that few
would think of referring to it as “the Marxist method.” His
argument rests upon the notion that structural assumptions have
been so prevalent in social theory as to no longer be questioned.
This he attributes, in part, to Marxist influence upon social
theory. He, however, rejects the essence of the “Marxist
method,” which he identifies with three prevailing elements:
methodological holism, functionalism, and dialectical deduction
(1986:21). In its place, he proposes methodological
individualism, game theoretic and rational choice modelling, and
modal logic [see "An Introduction to Karl Marx", Ch. 2; Logic and
Society, Ch. 3; "Marxism and Individualism" and "Further Thoughts
on Marxism, Functionalism and Game Theory" in Analytical
Marxism] This methodological shift constitutes a search for the
micro-foundations of class consciousness, class struggle, the
falling rate of profit and unemployment, central issues in
classical Marxism. The mechanisms of causality are located at
the level of individual intention. This he admits is a
reductionist strategy.

Elster makes robust claims concerning methodological
individualism. He says, “MI then is the claim that all social
phenomena, events, trends, behavioral patterns, institutions can
in principle be explained in ways that refer to nothing but
individuals their properties, goals, beliefs, and actions. In
addition, MI claims that explanations in terms of individuals are
superior to explanations which refer to aggregates” (“Marxism and
Individualism”:12). This reductionist program appeals, according
to him, on three levels. First, its aesthetic elegance, which he
says comes out of our curiosity to know the causal chain which
operates through individuals. Secondly, the time span between
explanans and explanandum is reduced, thus, the problem of
arguing through consequences is solved. Third, this lower level
explanation is necessary to understand the stability and change
of aggregates (Ibid.).

For Elster, particularly, and Analytical Marxism generally,
such a methodological shift immediately clears the way to
establish the rational social atom the individual as the
ontological center of social theory and of Marxism. Once this is
accomplished, the task is to develop appropriate techniques to
predict and explain collective human behavior. Herein rests the‹d ‹
significance of game theory and rational choice approaches.

Rational choice/game theoretic approaches claim to capture
both constraint (constraint due to the behavior of others) and
choice (degrees of individual freedom). Elster, furthermore,
claims that three main dependencies of social life are captured.
First, the reward of each depends upon the reward of all;
second, the reward of each depends upon the choice of all; and,
third, the choice of each depends upon the choice of all
(1986a:207). Assumed here is common rationality and equality of
agents as rational. This assumption is based in liberal notions
of the primacy of reason and rational agents to social
explanation and go against the Marxist notion of class
determination of collective behavior. Second, differing levels
of information are required for differing games. Lastly,
differing time requirements apply to different games and
strategies (Ibid.). Roemer brings an added dimension to the
understanding of this issue. He argues that Marxists must
discover micro-foundations for behaviors considered
characteristic under capitalism. The tools to achieve this, he
argues, are rational choice models, general equilibrium theory,
game theory, and modelling techniques developed by neoclassical
economics (1986:192). Elster and Roemer reject what is
considered the Hegelian/Marxist definition of dialectics and
propose an instrumentalist or rational choice definition. This
is considered a non-teleological definition and one compatible
with MI and micro-foundations. As such, Jon Elster claims that
dialectics is the suboptimal allocations resulting from
individual optimizing behavior. The standard example is the
Prisoner’s Dilemma. Elster claims that Marx thought that most
problems under capitalism were of this type. That is, rational
agents who attempt to optimize their outcomes end up in suboptimal solutions (Elster, 1985:Ch.2; 1978:Ch. 5, Appendices 1
and 2).

From this rational choice/game theoretic approach,
“class struggle is a method of carrying out bargaining…”
(Roemer,1986:198). On this basis, Elster develops an entire
reconstruction of Marx’s definitions of class, class
consciousness, and class struggle (1985:Ch. 6). Utilizing
Roemerian endowment explanation of class and exploitation,
Elster offers “classes are characterized by the activities in
which their members are compelled to engage by virtue of the
endowment structure” (Ibid:326). This definition embraces both
freedom and unfreedom for the proletariat. In other words, all
workers are not forced to sell their labor power (see G.A. Cohen,
“The Structure of Proletariat Unfreedom,” in
Analytical Marxism). Such an approach undoubtedly brings into
question the entire question of the class struggle, trade
unionism, and revolution. In essence, they are inverted and
tailored to conform with liberal assumptions.

METHODOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

A significant number of methodological questions posed in
the Analytical Marxist project have been previously raised in
Sociology. Mertonian mid level explanation have been followed by
micro level explanations.2 On the other hand, Stinchcombe (1971)
had sought to equip Sociology with a scientific method. He
argued that the achievement of sociological knowledge occurs in a
manner similar to that of the natural sciences. He called the
correct method “the logical process of science.” The strength of
sociological conclusions, he held, rests with whether or not they
have been achieved by scientific method. Here, Stinchcombe stood
with the unity of science program with regard to method. Form
and formalism were the sine qua non of methodological issues.
Hence, social science should, it is suggested, adopt the
methodological cannons and protocols of the natural sciences in
order to achieve scientific rigor.

The effort to achieve the correct formal method can be
traced to Mill’s cannons of inductive reasoning and Carnap’s
formal calculus, which had sought to establish method as the
final arbiter of truth. This positivist approach has
increasingly been disputed, challenged as it were, by a
relativist approach to method.3

Analytical Marxism begins to offer a new quality to these
questions. What is new emerges from the appearance of a serious
concern with Marxist theory and method. This side by side with
new developments in the contemporary philosophical landscape
presents important opportunities for sociological inquiry in
general and methodology in particular. Thus, in a real sense,
concerns of sociological theory, philosophy, and philosophy of
science are joined. Therefore, no longer is the primitive search
for ways to adapt natural scientific method to social science the
primary issue. Now a central question is how to utilize
traditional concerns to elucidate Marxist questions. E.O. Wright
early on sought to answer this problem. Pauline Vaillancourt has
sought to define a Marxist research program rooted in empirical
methods and operational techniques. However, the discourse on
method has been compelled to achieve a new level of philosophical
and theoretical competence. Thus, a new commonality with major
questions being posed in philosophical and philosophy of science
discourse has appeared. This common terrain, this point of
intersection if you will, is at the point of methodology.

However, methodology defined in its broadest sense embraces the
principal questions of philosophy, sociology, and science. In
this respect, methodology should be regarded as a strategic
approach to knowing. It is what Kyriakos Kontopoulos has called
an epistemic strategy, a way of tackling fundamental problems in
the process of knowing.

METHODOLOGY: THE HEGELIAN/MARXIST APPROACH

Methodology broadly defined from the Hegelian/Marxist
perspective examines the means of achieving knowledge. It is the
moment of coincidence of logic and epistemology. It was Hegel
who argued that his method, the dialectic, combined epistemology
and logic. Lenin considered Hegel’s position to be a starting
point of dialectical materialism. He argued that Hegel and Marx
refused to examine methodological problems in “purely
methodological” terms, isolated from epistemological and logical
considerations.

Hegel proceeds from the identity of being and thought,
interpreting them from the perspective of objective idealism.
Thought, however, is not a quality inherent in the individual,
but a manifestation of original essence. Hegel argued that the
concrete is a manifestation of the suprahuman, omnipresent
“absolute idea.” For Hegel, thought or the abstract are the
source of the concrete. Marx argued that Hegel was incorrect to
interpret the “real as the result of thought which synthesizes
itself in itself, immersing itself in itself and developing from‹d ‹
itself…” He insisted that “the method of rising from the
abstract to the concrete is only a way through which thought
appropriates the concrete and reproduces it as the spiritually
concrete. But this is by no means a process of the concrete
itself” (Grundrisse). This quotation from Marx illustrates the
opposition between the method of dialectical materialism and
Hegel’s. Marx’s materialism, separated him from Hegel; hence,
Marx’s logic, i.e., the dialectic, is rooted in the material
substance of reality, rather than the absolute idea. Objective
reality for Hegel could not exist independently of the “absolute
idea.” In this idealist form, Hegel nonetheless expresses the
dialectical unity of the object and subject, the abstract and
concrete, thought, and being. Here is blended in Hegelian
dialectics, logic, epistemology and methodology (The
Phenomenology of Mind:75, 76). Lenin argued that Hegel had
finally put an end to the traditional belief that logic deals
only with subjective forms of thought. Opposing Kant’s notion of
logical forms as being îa prioriï and consequently subjective,
Hegel approaches the idea that logical relations are forms of the
reflection of objective reality. Lenin considered this position
a starting point of dialectical materialism (Vol. 38:180).
Oizerman suggests that in opposing the subjectivist and formalist
approach to logical forms that was adopted by Kant, Hegel expands
the definition of logical forms to include more than judgement
and logical deductions. Hegel’s logic attempts to embrace
phenomena of the objective world such as quantity and quality,
measure, contradiction, causality, necessity, freedom, negation,
and others. For Marxism and dialectical materialism and logic in
general, Hegel saw these categories of thought as definitions of
actual things and, therefore, independent of man’s thought.
Hegel’s Science of Logic commits itself to the emergence of
thought from a reality that is outside of the subject. On the
other hand, the Marxian inversion views matter as emergent and
developmental. For Hegelian dialectics, logic becomes the study
of the reflection of the object in the subject. The logical
conditions are created in Hegel for the transition from logical
formalism and methodological subjectivism to dialectical
materialism. Concerning Marxism’s approach to logic, Lenin
suggests the following: “Logic is the science of cognition. It
is the theory and knowledge. Knowledge is the reflection of
nature by man. But this is not a simple, not an immediate, not a
complete reflection, but the process of a series of abstractions,
the formation and development of concepts, laws, etc., and these
concepts, laws, etc, (thought, science ‘the logical Idea’)
embraceï conditionally, approximately, the universal law governed
character of eternally moving and developing nature (Vol.
38:182).

The Hegelian/Marxist approach to methodology is inclusive,
rather than a separate concern. Moreover, it is anti-formalist,
anti-subjectivist, and anti-reductionist. This posture is the
opposite of that approach developed in positivist and analytic
philosophy which sees methodology as a special field of‹d ‹
philosophic concern.

METHODOLOGY AS A SPECIAL FIELD OF PHILOSOPHIC CONCERN

Methodology as a field of special study appeared under
circumstances when experimental science broke its dependence upon
natural philosophy. Francis Bacon sought to equip science with
the methodological apparatus by which to discover knowledge. For
Bacon, the empirical inductive method was that instrument. From
that time to the present, methodology has assumed a place of
centrality in the discussion and determination of the means by
which to achieve knowledge. As such, methodology has assumed a
special place in the organization of scientific activity.
Logical empiricism onesidedly assessed this situation and has
argued that truth hinges solely upon the discovery of a
scientific method. Logical empiricism, however, defines
methodology as those rules or cannons by which to establish the
truth value of statements.

While it can be argued that the empiricist inductive method
of Bacon was principally concerned with formal questions in the
discovery of truth, that which Mill would later associate with
the discovery of cannons of inductive reasoning, Descartes’
methods sought to look at the substance of these issues. In the
Cartesian sense, methodology was tied to what is considered the
main philosophical question, that is, the relationship between
subject and object. Descartes’ examination rejected the notion
that thought could be reduced to simple and direct reflection of
reality and proposed a rationalist solution to problems of
methodology. In substance, Descartes considered method as the
intellectual foundations and means of reasoning through which
knowledge is achieved. Hence, the dependency upon immediate
sense datum is broken.

Kant successfully separated methodological issues from
general problems of epistemology. He separated constitutive and
regulative principles of knowledge and, in doing so,
substantiated a special status for methodological knowledge.
Kantianism as distinguished from Cartesian rationalism separated
the broader conceptual issues from those which could be
experimentally verified. The a priori, for Kant, rather than
being supraexperimental, is preexperimental.4 The significant
point is that Kant, in giving a special place to constitutive
principles, allows for the preexperimental, i.e., the
conceptual, to achieve a critical place in the working up of
knowledge. Kant, unlike Descartes’ pure rationalism and Hume’s
skepticism concerning theoretical knowledge, did not place the
total burden in the working up of knowledge on the conceptual
apparatus, nor did he place the full weight upon the experimental
or inductive. Kant was the first to attempt to unite the formal
and substantive questions in the emergence of knowledge. The
theoretical and the empirical; the analytical and synthetic;
the categorical and the sensory; the conceptual and the
experimental; the inductive and deductive. The analytic and logical positivist traditions invert this
recognition equating interpreting the analytic/synthetic
relationship as a formal one, lacking any connection or reference
to any but empirical and, hence, subjective phenomena. Moreover,
it reduces the enormous role of the theoretical as viewed by Kant
and later Hegel in the production of knowledge. It will be
recalled that Whewell’s criticism of the Mill Method was also
precisely at this point objective content. Hegel argued that the initial task was to
demonstrate how these formal functions of thought corresponded to
objective processes. Hence, Hegel demanded that logic be more
precisely connected to epistemology. Hegel argued against Kant
that methodology is that point at which logic and epistemology
are joined. While it is strongly suggested by Hegel, Marxism
consistently develops the dialectical method. This is realized
by separating the dialectic from the Hegelian system. Hence,
concepts and categories of thought are constantly emerging and
reflect the substance of objective reality. Thus, the
foundational Marxist formulation concerning the relationship
between the abstract and the concrete, Marx held that method
should be based upon “the ascension of the concrete”
(îGrundrisseï:101). Categories, concepts, methods, and science
itself are historically determined. Marxism, moreover, argues
that there is a material, social, indeed, class determination of
categories. Finally, a political and ideological content inform
the emergence of categories.Oizerman (1979:133)
says of Kant’s contribution, “he (Kant) has revealed the unity of
the categorical apparatus of thinking with the content of
experimental knowledge. That is why Kant does not confine
himself to opposing ‘pure’ (a priori) knowledge to empirical
knowledge, the way his predecessors did. He proves that since
the precepts of theoretical natural science are universal and
necessary, they are not purely a priori but both a priori and
empirica a priori in form and empirical in content.
It is this recognition that guides much of current thinking
on issues of methodology. From several angles, philosophers of
science draw upon this fundamental Kantian notion.

Hegel criticized Kant’s metaphysics as purely descriptive of
the functioning of thought. Hegel meant this criticism to apply
equally to Aristotle. While stressing that the description of
thought, irrespective of its content, was an important
accomplishment, Hegel demanded a further examination of the forms
of thought and their logically generalized content, i.e., their

LOGIC, SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY, AND METHODOLOGY

Logic, as a “logic of investigation” (Popper) or a “logic of
science” (Carnap) is in the history of logic a recent
development. Prior to the emergence of the empirical sciences,
logic had been associated with Aristotlean syllogisms. However,
the rise of mathematics and the physical sciences would no longer
permit logic being equated with simple or syllogistic proof.
Bacon, Descartes, and Leibniz undertook the development of logic
as the logic of investigation which had as its essential purpose
the discovery of new truth. This would fulfill logic’s
commitment to science. Bacon, considered by Marx the founder of
English materialism and of “contemporary experimental science,”
looked upon scientific truth as emerging from inductive logic.
Descartes and Leibniz, on the other hand, looked upon logic as a
branch of mathematics and, therefore, chose deductive logic as
the method of discovering truth. Both Descartes and Bacon looked
upon logic as a means of studying objects of nature and,
therefore, as a means of discovering truth.

The logical mathematical method was viewed by Descartes as a means of solving
scientific problems. Leibniz, like Descartes, expressed profound
optimism concerning the possibilities of logic in facilitating
discoveries in new areas of research. Descartes’ objective, to
construct a single mathematical system within the limits of
deductive logic, was attempted in the early twentieth century by
Russell and Whitehead in their Principia Mathematica and by
Wittgenstien in the Tractatus These efforts, though failing to
establish a single deductive system to explain reality or to, as
Russell suggested, confirm “the appearance of the anticipated
sense data,” did spur on later efforts of logical empiricism.

On the side of inductivism, Bacon, and later John Stuart
Mill, made robust claims. Mill asserted that every process
leading to scientific knowledge could be represented as an
inductive process. Such an assertion brought forward its‹d ‹
opposite. The earliest criticism of Mill’s Logic was based upon
its being solely bound to the sense content of phenomena and its
failure to address properties, aspects, relations, or structures
of the object that is empirically given. Mackie (1967:340)
argues that Mill’s Method, rather than inductive is deductive and
mechanistic in nature. That is, it is analytic rather than
synthetic. Its usefulness comes mainly after data has been
collected to test conjectures or hypotheses that have been
previously generated.

The discovery of new scientific laws introduced new scientific
abstraction, which thereby served to discover new connections
between empirical data and thus form new theoretical systems.
For Whewell, this process of discovery is founded upon the
process of applying îa prioriï ideas to empirical material.
Whewell sought to discover new scientific laws through the
introduction of new levels of abstraction. Like much that has

Whewell successfully critiqued Mill’s Logic. Talkington
(1987:87) argues that Whewell’s thinking viewed concept formation
as part of the inductive process.6 Whewell argued that empirical
laws meaning the causal connections of sense perception did not
achieve the discovery of new scientific laws. His view was that
followed, Whewell argued that empirical connections alone did not
in and of themselves suffice to establish scientific discovery.
For Whewell, the new level of abstraction necessary was
identified with theoretical conditions of knowledge. It was here
that new empirical connections could be discovered. The
substance of Whewell’s argument, and that which remains valid in
the rejection of old type inductivism, is the need to go beyond
that which is given in sensation and the method of identifying
sense data with the real. Whewell’s rejection of Mill’s Method
of induction and his positivist description of the scientific
process is important to, and in fact has anticipated, post™analytic discourse on method.7 Putnam, therefore, suggests a method that deals with the conceptual and the empirical in a non-positivist manner. Furthermore, the conceptual is not sacrificed to the empirical i.e., to sense datum. Mill’s inductivism was
undermined by its inability to go beyond sense datum and
consequently Humean causality.

Moreover, its radical limitations upon the possibilities of
theoretical and, as Mackie suggests, of experimental knowledge
was at variance with the advances being made in the natural
sciences.Moreover, Mill’s positivist description of the scientific
process was at variance with actual science.8

The incompleteness of Mill’s Logic along with the enormous
achievements in the natural sciences, created the demand for new
logico-methodological approaches to the questions of scientific
knowledge. At the same time, the structure of scientific
knowledge was increasing in complexity. Ernest Mach and the
empirio-critics suggested a new positivism that based its outlook
upon Humean epistemology and a rejection of causality in favor of
the notion of functional equivalence. Empirio-criticism, while
enjoying some popularity, failed to provide the necessary logical
apparatus to address the pressing needs of science. Theory, and
especially logic, were establishing a daily presence in the
activity of science. Under these circumstances, the logical, and
more specifically, the logico-methodological apparatus of theory,
assumed a place of practical necessity in the unfolding of
research. Russell and Whitehead’s Principia Mathematica and
Wiggenstien’s Tractatus sought to systematically address this
situation. The formation of the Vienna Circle and the Society of

Empirical Philosophy in Berlin attempted to construct upon the
foundations of Principia and the Tractatus a consistent
methodology of science and a description of the scientific
process. Their effort was viewed as a radical break with
philosophy, now deemed as metaphysics and unscientific. The
object of their effort was to, based upon mathematics, construct
a logical apparatus by which to determine the truth of the
statements of science.

REDUCTIONIST PROGRAM OF LOGICAL EMPIRICISM

It is at the stage when the practical task of logic in the
construction of the methodological apparatus of scientific
knowledge assumes centrality that logical empiricism comes to the
fore. The Received View was an attempt to discover the “given”
content of knowledge and the empirical significance of its
elements. Logical empiricism, therefore, makes robust claims
both from the standpoint of its negative and positive objectives.
On the positive side, it sought a precise analysis of the
cognitive significance of the concepts and statements of science
in order to disclose their empirical or given content. Its
negative function is to eliminate speculative philosophy. This
objective is best described as removing from statements of
science all which is not reducible to that which is given in
sensation. Simply put, the logical empiricist program
constitutes the reconstituting of the system of existing
knowledge. Whereas for Bacon and Descartes, the logic and‹d ‹
methodology of science was directed to giving priority to
searching for methods and techniques for discovering new
knowledge; the logical empiricist seeks to confirm existing
knowledge.

Logical empiricism proposes the primacy of empirical
knowledge, separating the empirical and the theoretical and, in
fact, collapsing the theoretical into the empirical. Knowledge
is reduced to the directly given, that is the primary empirical
elements of knowledge. Such a reduction ipso facto eliminates
the possibility of levels of knowledge in the formation of
knowledge.

Logical empiricism has attempted various logical means of
addressing the problem of levels of knowledge, while maintaining
its reductionist posture. For example, Russell proposed
extensional logic, based upon the idea of nomological statements.
Russell’s logic reflected a change in the fundamental principles
of methodology and logic of the 18th and 19th centuries.
Represented here is a search for general principles that sum up
the wealth of knowledge and collected data. The roots of this
change are to be found in the enormous complication of scientific
knowledge and the development of the mathematical apparatus of
science and the decline in the role of direct visualization or
observation in scientific experimentation. The objective is to
order and organize in a rigorous manner the exact meaning of
scientific assertions and concepts. Logical empiricism, however,
absolutizes this objective at the expense of the creative and‹d ‹
emergent characteristics of knowledge. Thus, Russell and
Whitehead’s Principia developed a mathematical logic that is
extensional, the logic of truth functions. The truth value of
each statement is capable of being subdivided into component
statements which are determined unambiguously by the truth value
of its components or, in other words, each statement is a truth
function of its components. If knowledge of reality requires
reconstruction into a language whose grammar is extensional, the
result of this reconstruction would be a set of statements
interrelated by truth values. In order to rigorously define the
“significance” of any statement under this concept of logical
structure, it is necessary to examine the connection of the given
statement with other statements in terms of their truth values,
that is to demonstrate of what statements the given statement is
a truth function. It is, however, obvious that such a
reductionist strategy cannot proceed endlessly. Such a system
must contain ultimate statements representing the limits of
reducibility. Since the truth value of ultimate statements is
not based upon the logical connection between them, they may only
be postulated by some extra logical means. It is at this point
that purely logical procedures are of little value. The solution
must be discovered at the level of epistemology. Thus, the
logical apparatus of the Principia finally rests upon certain
epistemological and philosophical foundations. Russell rests
upon an idealist epistemology, holding that sense perception is
the ultimate source of experience (see Russell, “Our Knowledge of
the External World as a Field for Scientific Method”, in
Philososphy, p. 363). For Russell, all knowledge is reducible to
a set of atomic statements or assertions which are empirically
verifiable by sense perception. This is the epistemological
basis of logical atomism. For logical atomism, all knowledge is
a set of statements about sense data and the cognitive meaning of
the set of fundamental statements is revealed in the last
analysis through the empirical sense perceived conditions of
truth. Therefore, to understand an assertion or statement
consists in knowing its empirical conditions and the sense datum
which verifies them. Russell formulated this relation thusly,
“verification always consists in the appearance of the
anticipated sense data.” Schlick used the phrase “the meaning of
a proposition is the method of its verification.” Obviously, the
verification principle of logical atomism relies upon observation
or sensation. But what of nonobservable statements?
Wittgenstien’s answer in the Tractatus held that logical and
mathematical propositions do not constitute knowledge of reality;
they are countless and empty. They are basically guidelines
indicating the permissible transformations of modes of linguistic
expressions, but in no way bear upon their meaning. Logical
propositions are tautologies which are true under any and all
combinations. Such tautologies convey no knowledge of the actual
world or bring forth no new information (see Suppe on the
Received View). According to this view, the world assumes the
structure of mathematical logic and, therefore, proposes that the‹d ‹
world has a one to one correspondence with logic.9

THE THEORY OF CORRESPONDENCE

This unique theory of correspondence brings together the
reductionist and anti-realist positions of logical empiricism.
While later rejecting the earlier atomist ontology (Suppe:67), it
sacrificed nothing in terms of its logic and methodology. It
merely separated analytical and synthetic truths. In a
significant sense, logical empiricism and logical positivism
treat all ontology as strictly meaningless. Carnap, as well,
argues in this direction (Schlipp, 1963:868). This constituted
an abandonment of even the fig leaf of ontological concern, by a
solipsistic turn, the universalization of formal logic and the
effort to build a theory of knowledge resting exclusively upon
concepts of formal logic.10 The problem is now reflected as that
of the cognitive significance of statements. Statements,
therefore, either have formal meaning i..e., analytical
significance or empirical meaning i.e., synthetic significance.
Finally, logic and mathematics and later semantics stand above
and are contrasted to all other sciences as a formal means of
arriving at truth.

However, the problems of observation and empirical
significance are seen as problems of the relations of logical
knowledge to sensory knowledge of tautological statements to
sense datum. Assertions containing empirical conditions of truth
are contrasted to those which contain formal meaning. This
synthetic analytic distinction first appeared in Kant’s Critique
of Pure Reason This distinction can be characterized as the
observation theoretical distinction. This distinction is crucial
to logical empiricism’s attempt at carrying out a logical
analysis of knowledge directed at disclosing its empirical
significance. Logical empiricism’s concept of empirical
significance reduces the logical, and in particular, the
intellectual content of knowledge to sensory knowledge, to the
expression of given sensations in speech, thereby depriving
thought of its distinctive quality as the highest stage of
reflection. Suppe (80) draws attention to the untenability of
the observation theoretical distinction as developed by logical
empiricism. Using the findings of Putnam Achinstein, Suppe
argues that logical empiricism onesidedly develops the
distinction and consequently submerges the theoretical.
Moreover, he argues that logical empiricism artificially presents
the distinction.

Underlying the concept of empirical significance is the
conclusion that the cognitive meaning of an assertion about the
world consists of the expression of an immediate state of things.
Joergensen quotes Carnap as saying “the meaning of a statement
consists in its expressing a (thinkable, not necessarily also an
actual) state of affairs. If an alleged statement expresses no
(thinkable) state of affairs, it has no meaning and, hence, is
only apparently an assertion. If a statement expresses a state
of affairs, it has no meaning and, hence, is only apparently an
assertion. If a statement expresses a state of affairs, it is at
all events meaningful, and it is true if that state of affairs
exists and false if it does not” (p.29). The point is that for a
statement to be factual, it must be founded upon experience. For
Carnap, the use of logistical concepts allows for the statements
of various sciences being transformed into statements about
immediate experiences having the same truth values as original
statements. Therefore, all scientific statements are capable of
being verified or falsified by means of immediate experience.
This method of achieving empirical significance came to be known
as the principle of verification.11 For logical empiricism in‹d ‹
general the meaningfulness of reality sentences is connected to
their verifiability.

The question of how to verify reality sentences is of utmost
importance.12 Popper establishes falsification as the criterion
of the meaningfulness of statements. Using this criterion of
meaning, Popper proposed to sort out empirical scientific
sentences from a priori analytical sentences (logical and
mathematical) as well as from nonfalsifiable reality sentences
(metaphysics). Popper is, therefore, suggesting rather than an
absolute concept, one that argues for “degrees of testability
(Prufbarkeit)” (Joergensen:73). In essence, this is a turn to a
relativist approach to knowledge. Empirical testability is
identified not with verification but with falsificationi.e.,
the possibility of empirical refutation of statements. The
principle of falsifiability is regarded by Popper as the
“criterion of demarcation,” the distinction between scientific
empirical knowledge of the world and “metaphysical systems” (see
V.S. Shvyrev:21). Carnap, in the essay “Testability and Meaning”

(Philosophy of Science Vol. 3) argues that truth and
confirmation must be distinguished. Truth, he says, is an
absolute concept, independent of time; confirmation, on the
other hand, is a relative concept, the degree of which varies
with the development of science. Carnap differentiates directly
testable reality sentences from those that are indirectly
testable. Directly testable reality sentences are those based
directly upon observation. Indirectly testable reality sentences
consist in directly testing other sentences that have certain
relationships to it. Concerning verification and confirmation
and, thus, the basis of establishing empirical significance,
Carnap says, “if by verification is meant a definitive and final
establishment of truth, then no (synthetic) sentence is ever
verifiable, as we shall see. We can only confirm a sentence more
and more. Therefore, the shift in explanation is to confirmation
rather than verification.” For Carnap, a further shift to
solipsism, subjectivism, and formalism. Although analytical
philosophers have not all followed Carnap, there is little doubt
that finally the entire project found itself grounded on the
shore of subjectivism, isolated and unable to relate to the
pressing demands of the natural and social sciences.

ANALYTIC METHOD AND ANALYTICAL MARXISM

The results of analytic and positivist methods in philosophy
have led further into subjectivism. As such, its results have
been rejected by growing numbers of philosophers, philosophers of‹d ‹
science, and social theorists. It is, however, interesting that
it has regained new life and prominence within Analytical
Marxism. In many ways Elster’s attack upon and attempt to
redefine dialectics mirrors the positivist and analytical
rejection of all that was considered nonscientific in
philosophy. Elster’s statement that the results of “dialectical
deductions” must be “rendered into straightforward logical
arguments” (1978:3) sound not unlike the statements of the Vienna
Circle and of Russell and Whitehead before them. Elster argues
“I believe that dialectical thinkers have had a unique gift for
singling out interesting and sometimes crucial îproblemsï even if
their attempts at a new îmethodï must be deemed a failure. As I
see it,” he continues, “there is nothing of real importance in
Hegel or Marx that cannot be formulated in ordinary and formal
language.” For Roemer, in this methodological shift, nothing of
value in Marxism is sacrificed except functionalism and
teleology.
The methodological problems of Marxism as seen by Analytical
Marxism can be resolved by the formalization of Marxist
propositions and the construction of a formal logic and
mathematical apparatus around it. Most importantly, the
analytical is separated from the synthetic, the categorical from

the historical and social, etc. This constitutes nothing less
than a logical inversion and a logico©methodological
reconstruction of Marxism, which is at the heart of a
comprehensive reinterpretation of Marxism
The shift from the dialectical to the formal analytic in
logic is the starting point of a more complete renovation of all
the principle categories of Marxism, from materialism, to the
labor theory of value to class struggle and socialism.º13

ANALYTICAL MARXISM AND THE MODEL OF SCIENCE

Abraham Kaplan (1974), a conventional philosopher of
science, astutely characterized the logic of science idea as a
form of “reconstructed logic” which, in his words, is an
idealization of science and scientific practice. Analytical
Marxism claims to abstraction, rigor, and scientific clarity
shares with positivism this idealization of science. Hence, the
return to conventional methods, abstraction, formalism, etc.
affirms within Marxism the protocols and conventions of
nomothetic and mathematicized social science. Such an effort
must, of necessity, assume that science generally, and social
science in particular, is disconnected from class and ideological
questions. This is the idea that science transcends political,
ideological, and other value issues. Hence, what is proposed is
a single unified science that explains social reality and
causality and which transcends sociopolitical relations. This,
it is argued, is in the interest of establishing direct causality
and discovering empirical foundations of Marxism. Elster
(“Marxism, Functionaliam, and Game Theory,” Theory and Society
1982), among other things, claims that the functionalist/
teleological aspects of Marxism inhibit the development of both
direct causality and an empirically verifiable research program
within Marxism. (The formalization of Marxism, most successfully
attempted in Roemer, (îA General Theory of Exploitation and Classï
[1982] and Analytical Foundations of Marxian Economic Theory
[1981]) set as its task building a model to test Marxian
economic theories (1981:3) and finally to construct a
propositional/hypothetical structure amenable to empirical
testing. However, the combined impact of Roemer’s method of
abstraction and his formalism is to argue that the external world
replicates logic. Thus, in this approach, history and the
process of historical determination of categories and laws is
left outside of the model. For instance, Roemer proposes a
“general theory of exploitation” which applies equally to
capitalism, feudalism, and socialism. This form of abstraction
is alien to dialectics and historical materialist analysis.
Thus, Roemer’s model is built upon a set of protocols and
nomothetic laws which, he argues, can represent a verifiable
model of the world.

Furthermore, in logico-epistemological terms, analytical
Marxism is a return to the Baconian/Millsean notion of science.
However, nomothetic techniques are added to primitive inductivism
so as to attempt to account for the emergent qualities of social
life. Game theoretic/rational choice models are an example of
this approach. What is emergent is the multiple and unintended
consequences of rational human behavior. Put differently, the
emergent quality is the consequences of the causal relationships
of relational atoms. All games assume precommunist/precollective behaviors.
Thus, the dominant game is the prisoner dilemma or sub©optimal outcomes. Yet, all games assume the centrality of the individual.

ENDNOTES

1.In particular, see Marx’s îThesis on Feuerbachï, îCapitalï, and
Grundrisse; Engel’s Dialectics of Nature and Anti©Duhring;
Lenin’s Materialism and Empirio-Criticism and Philosophical
Notebooks.
2.Currently an important literature on micro©foundations from
a non-Marxian perspective has appeared. For example, “Micro™Foundations and Macro©Social Behavior” by James Coleman and “TheIndividual Tradition in Sociology” by Raymond Boudon, both in The
Micro-Macro Link by Jeffrey Alexander, et. al. (eds);
“Contrasting Theoretical Perspectives” by Peter Blau; “Micro™Translation as a Theory Building Strategy” by Randall Collins in
Advances in Social Theory and Methodology by Cetina Knorr, et.al
3.A body of post-positivist philosophy of science literature
has suggested a relativist and even anarchist approach to
methodology and its relationship to knowledge. Examples are Paul
Feyerabend, Against Method(1975); Richard Rorty, Philosophy and
the Mirror of Nature(1979); Hilary Putnam, “Science as an
Approximation to Truth,” in Mathematics, Matter, and Method:
Philosophical PapersVol. 1 (1975); Joseph Margolis, Pragmatism
Without Foundations(1986
4.Hilary Putnam as well sees the conceptual as a necessary
part of the formation of knowledge. This overcomes the
reductionism of logical empiricism. He says “nothing at all we
say about any object describes the object as it is in itself
independently of its effect on us on beings with our rational
natures and our biological constitutions” (1981:61).
5.Whewell elaborates a hierarchy of inductions in science.
He saw induction tying together the facts in the formation of new
ideas. As well, he saw how inductions tend to coalesce, coming
together to form a unified coherent theoretical structure as a
îconsilienceï of inductions whose independent derivations reflect
fundamental unity of the theoretical structure itself (cf. Bynum,
et. al., 1981:75).
6.The Millsean project, under differing conditions of
scientific knowledge, continued with logical empiricism which
declared the principle objective of logic to be verification an
later the confirmation of existing knowledge. Whewell’s creative
approach to induction and its more realistic notion of science
was lost for several decades.
7.Bhaskar suggests that the reductionist strategy of logical
empiricism is based upon an “epistemic fallacy.” He says that
for logical empiricism, statements about being can be reduced to
statements about knowledge, that is, ontological questions can be
reduced to epistemological questions.
8. V.A. Shvyrev argues “…the abandonment of ontological
pre©suppositions such as the theory which construes reality as a
set of atomic facts does not in any way influence the essence of
epistemological logic…Therefore, by disregarding the pluralist
ontology of logical atomism, the neopositivists of the Vienna
Circle were able to borrow the fundamental characteristics of the
conception of the epistemological logic of Russell and
Wittgenstien: the view of knowledge as system of extensionally
related statements, the understanding of the truth of ultimate
statements as empirical truth, and the fundamental opposition
presumed to exist between the logical character of the
propositions of both logic and mathematics on the one side,
considered as procedures for symbolic transformations, and on the
other side, the propositions of the rest of science considered as
empirical knowledge of reality” (1964:15-16).
9.See A.N. Rakitov, “The Statistical Interpretation of Facts
and the Role of Statistical Methods in the Structure of Empirical
Knowledge” for the relationship of the verification principle to
the development of modern statistical methods.
10.Karl Popper felt that the initial statement of logical
empiricism had so complicated matters as to “destroy, not only
metaphysics, but also natural science ” (Joergensen:72). Popper
proposed the corrective to the problems inherent in verification
to be found in the falsification principle
11.Austro Marxism and the dominant line in the Second
International expressed sympathy for positivism as against
dialectics (Vaillancourt:41). Mach and the Empirio critiques
similarly argued that Marxist explanation has to be renovated
with neo©positivist methods (Bradley, îMach’s Philosophy of
Scienceï and “Dialectical Perception: A Synthesis of Lenin and
Bogdanov” in Radical Philosophy#43).

REFERENCES

Bhaskar, Roy. A Realist Theory of Science, Sussex: Harvester,
1980.

Bradley, J. Mach’s Philosophy of Science

Carnap, Rudolph. “Testability and Meaning,” Philosophy of
Science Vol. 3. 1934.

Cohen, G.A. Karl Marx’s Theory of History: A Defense,
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978.

“The Structure of Proletarian Unfreedom,” Analytical
Marxism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986.

Elster, Jon. An Introduction to Karl Marx, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1986a.

“Marxism and Individualism.” Lecture delivered at
University of Pennsylvania, 1986b.

Making Sense of Marx, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1985.

“Marxism, Functionalism, and Game Theory,” Theory and
Society, II, 1982.

Logic and Society. Chicester: Wiley, 1978.

Hegel, G.W.F. The Phenomenology of Mind

Science of Logic Vols. 1 and 2.

Joergensen, Joegen. The Development of Logical Empiricism
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951.

Kant, Immanuel. Critique of Pure Reason

Kaplan, Abraham. The Conduct of Inquiry. Scranton,
Pennsylvania:Chandler Publishing, 1974.

Lenin, V.I. Materialism and Empirio-Criticism Vol. 38,
Collected Works. Moscow: Progress, 1964.

Philosophical Notebooks, Vol. 38, Collected Works.
Moscow: Progress, 1964.

Mackie, J.L. “Mill’s Method of Induction,” Encyclopedia of
Philosophy 1967.‹f ‹å

Marx, Karl. Grundrisse, London: New Left Books, 1973.

Mill, John Stuart. Logic,

Oizerman, Theodore. Dialectical Materialism and the History of
Philosophy, Moscow: Progress, 1979.

Popper, Karl. The Logic of Scientific Discovery. New York:
Basic Books, 1959.

Putnam, Hilary. Reason, Truth, and History. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1981.

Rakitov, A.N. “The Statistical Interpretation of Fact and the
Role of Statistical Methods in the Structure of Empirical
Knowledge,” in The Problems of the Logic of Scientific
Knowledge, ed. P.V. Tavanec (Dordrecht, Holland: Reidel,
1970).

Roemer, John. Analytical Marxism , Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1986a.

“New Directions in Marxian Theory of Exploitation and
Class,” Analytical Marxism. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1986b.

AGeneral Theory of Exploitation and Classï.
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1982.

Analytical Foundations of Marxian Economic Theory
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981.

Russell, Bertrand. Our Knowledge of the External World. London:
Allen and Unwin, 1929.

Russell, Bertrand and A.N. Whitehead. Principia Mathematica.
1903.

Schlipp, Paul. (ed.) The Philosophy of Rudolph Carnap
LaSalle, Illinois: Open Court, 1963.

Shvyrev, V.A. “Problems of the Logical Methodological Analysis
Relations Between the Theoretical and the Empirical Plane of
Scientific Knowledge,” Problems of the Logic of Scientific
Knowledge 1970.

Suppe, Frederick. “The Search for Philosophical Understanding of
Scientific Theories,” The Structure of Scientific Theories,
ed. F. Suppe (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977).

‹f ‹
Talkington, Lester. “Is the Creative Process Rational?” Science
and Nature, Nos. 7 and 8.

Vaillancourt, Pauline. When Marxists Do Research. Westport:
Greenwood, 1986.

Wenger, Morton. “Marxism and Social Research: The Reality of
Epistemology,” Science and Society, Vol. 52, No. 2, 1988.

Wittgenstien, L. Tractatus Oxford: Blackwell, 1953.

Wright, E.O. Classes, London: New Left Books, 1985.

“Dialectical Perception: A Synthesis of Lenin and
Bogdanov,” Radical Philosophy, No. 43, 1987.

Posted in LOGIC , METHODOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY | Leave a comment

LOGIC, METHODOLOGY AND MARXISM: A PROBLEM OF PETIT BOURGEOIS THEORY

A recent trend in Marxism has emerged which constitutes a radical departure from traditional or orthodox Marxism. Its sources are manifold. In an immediate sense it is a part of the debate with structural Marxism and the Althusserians. At the same time, however, it rejects the so-called humanist trend in Marxism. Analytic Marxism, is therefore, situated uniquely in the Marxist movement. On the one hand it is for a radical reworking of classical Marxism, much in the way that Althusser restated Marxism. However, it seeks to fuse Marxism and the analytic and positivist traditions. Hence, it could be argued that analytic Marxism is a debate with both traditional Marxism–the Marx of the Grundrisse, and Capital–and Althusserian or structural Marxism. Its program challenges Marxism at the levels of epistemology, logic, and methodology. It is connected to Marxism by the nature of the problems that it deals with and its method of inquiry. At times, however, especially in the work of Elster, it would appear that analytic Marxism wishes to use Marx against Marx. This effort to analytically rework Marx can be considered an effort to update Marxism using the tools of modern logic and rational choice theory. In the end this is viewed as giving to Marxism a scientific essence. The Marx that is reborn from this effort is not the Marx that most Marxist are familiar with, nor even the Marx that Marx himself would have recognized. The words of Jon Roemer begin to help in understanding what is attempted. He says,

During the past decade what now appears as a new species in social theory has been forming, analytically sophisticated Marxism. Its practitioners are largely inspired by Marxian questions, which they pose with contemporary tools of logic, mathematics and model building. Their methodological posture is conventional. (1986:3) What Roemer suggests is that previously considered diametrically opposite trends in philosophy and social theory can be united to form a “new species of social theory.” As will be seen, logic, mathematics, model building and conventional methodology are used to “liberate” Marxism from functionalism and establish a non-functionalist, non-structuralist, methodologically individualist’s explanation of collective behavior. On the other hand the effort (see General Theory of Exploitations of Class and his Fundamentals of Analytic Marxism) [as regards problems of formalism see the formalization of Newton's theory] is directed to formalizing Marxism. In so doing analytic Marxism wishes to eliminate from Marxist, and social scientific discourse generally, problems, formulations and judgments that arise from inadequate logical rules and methods. Finally, it seeks to establish within Marxism an ideal model of reasoning.

Analytic Marxism will be situated both within the analytic and Marxian traditions. It is a synthesis, albeit uneasy and difficult, of perhaps two of the most significant explanatory systems of this century. Its significance rests with this effort at a synthesis.
In order to situate analytic Marxism in the analytic tradition, more precisely in logical empiricism, I will explicate logical empiricism through the logical works of Mill, Russell and Carnap.

LOGIC AND SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY: AN OVERVIEW

Logic, as a “logic of investigation” [Popper] or a “logic of science” [Carnap] is, in the history of logic, a recent development. Prior to the emergence of the empirical sciences logic had been associated with Aristotlean syllogisms. However, the rise of mathematics and the physical sciences demanded that logic no longer be equated with simple or syllogistic proof. Bacon, Descartes and Leibniz undertook the earliest development of logic as a logic of investigation which had as its essential purpose the discovery of new truth. This would fulfill logic’s commitment to science. Bacon, considered by Marx the founder of English materialism and of “contemporary experimental science,” looked upon scientific truth as emerging from inductive logic. Descartes and Leibniz, on the other hand, looked upon logic as a branch of mathematics and therefore chose deductive logic as the method of discovering truth. Both Descartes and Bacon looked upon logic as a means of studying objects of nature and therefore as a means of discovering truth. The logical-mathematical method was viewed by Descartes as a means of solving scientific problems. Leibniz, like Descartes, expressed profound optimism concerning the possibilities of logic facilitating discoveries in new areas of research. Descartes’ objective, to construct a single mathematical system within the limits of deductive logic, was attempted in the early twentieth century by Russell and Whitehead in their Principia Mathematica and by Wittgenstein in the Tractatus. These efforts, though failing to establish a single deductive system to explain reality, or to as Russell suggested confirm “the appearance of the anticipated sense data,” did spur on later efforts of logical empiricism.
On the side of inductivism Bacon and later John Stuart Mill made robust claims. Mill asserted that every process leading to scientific knowledge could be represented as an inductive process. Such an assertion brought forward its opposite. The earliest criticism of Mill’s Logic was based upon its being solely bound to the sense content of phenomena and its failure to address properties, aspects, relations or structures of the object that is empirically given.

Whewell, not unlike much that has followed, argued that empirical laws–meaning in Mill’s sense the causal connections of sense perception –could not lead to the discovery of new scientific laws. His view was that the discovery of new scientific laws introduced new scientific abstraction, which thereby serve to discover new connections between empirical data and thus form new theoretical systems. For Whewell this process of discovery is founded upon the process of applying a priori ideas to empirical material. He sought to discover new scientific laws through the introduction of new levels of abstraction. Whewell argued that empirical connections alone did not in and of themselves suffice to establish scientific discovery. For Whewell the new level of abstraction necessary was identified with a priori conditions of knowledge. It was here that new empirical connections could be discovered. The substance of Whewell’s argument, and that which remains valid in the rejection of old type inductivism, is the need to go beyond that which is given in sensation and the method of identifying sense data with the real.

Mill’s inductivism was undermined by its inability to go beyond sense datum which placed radical limitations upon the possibilities of knowledge. It was therefore at variance with the advances being made in the natural sciences.
The unsatisfactory results of Mill’s Logic along with the enormous achievements in the natural sciences created the demand for new logico-methodological approaches to the questions of scientific knowledge. Moreover, the structure of scientific knowledge was increasing in complexity occasioning the use of mathematics to explain the unobservable. Ernest Mach and the empririo-critics suggested a new positivism that based its outlook upon Hume’s epistemology. [See Lenin, Materialism and Empririo Criticism, David Hillel Ruben.] Empririo criticism, while enjoying some popularity, failed to provide the necessary logical apparatus to address the pressing needs of science. Problems of logic were assuming a daily presence in the activity of science. Under these circumstances the logical, and more specifically the logico-methodological apparatus of theory, assumed a place of practical necessity in the unfolding of research. Russell and Whitehead’s Principia Mathematica and Wittgenstein’s Tractatus sought to systematically address this situation. The formation of the Vienna Circle and the Society of Empirical Philosophy in Berlin attempted to construct upon the foundations of Principia and the Tractatus a consistent philosophy. They viewed past philosophy as a fetter to science. The objective then was to construct, based upon mathematics, a logical apparatus by which to determine the truth of the statements of science.

EMPIRICAL SIGNIFICANCE AND THE REDUCTIONIST PROGRAM OF LOGICAL EMPIRICISM
At the stage when the practical tasks of logic are to be found in the construction of the methodological apparatus of scientific knowledge that logical empiricism assumes centrality. What Suppe calls “The Received View” is an attempt to discover the “given” content of knowledge and the empirical significance of its elements. Logical empiricism, therefore, makes robust claims both from the standpoint of its negative and positive objectives. On the positive side it seeks a precise analysis of the cognitive significance of the concepts and statements of science in order to disclose their empirical or given content. Its negative function is to eliminate speculative philosophy from scientific discourse. This objective is best described as removing from statements of science all which is not reducible to that which is given in sensation. These objectives establish the reductionist and non-realist dimension of logical empiricism. Simply put, the logical empiricist program constitutes the reconstituting of the system of existing knowledge. Whereas for Bacon and Descartes the logic and methodology of science was directed to giving priority to searching for methods and techniques for discovering new knowledge, the logical empiricist seek to confirm existing knowledge.
Logical empiricism presents the primacy of empirical knowledge, what they have called the “directly given” based upon the reduction of knowledge to what is considered its primary empirical elements. Such a reduction ipso facto eliminates the possibility of levels of knowledge in the formation of knowledge, and literally collapses the theoretical into the empirical.
Logical empiricism has attempted various logical means of addressing the problem of levels of knowledge, while simultaneously maintaining their reductionist posture. For example, Russell proposed an extensional logic based upon the idea of nomological statements. Herein is reflected a change in the fundamental principles of methodology and logic of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The roots of this change are to be found in the enormous complication of scientific knowledge and the development of the mathematical apparatus of science, the decline in the role of direct visualization or observation in scientific experimentation. The objective is to order and organize in a rigorous manner the exact meaning of scientific assertions and concepts. One would find it difficult to disagree with this objective if it is properly contextualized. However, to absolutize such an objective occurs at the expense of the creative and emergent characteristics of knowledge. Thus Russell and Whitehead’s Principia developed a mathematical logic that is extensional, the logic of truth functions. The truth value of each statement capable of being subdivided into component statements is determined unambiguously by the truth value of these components or, in other words, each component statement is a truth function of its components. If knowledge of reality requires reconstruction into a language whose grammar is extensional logic, the result of this reconstruction would be a set of statements interrelated by truth values. In order to rigorously define the “significance” of any statement, under this concept of logical structure, it is necessary to examine the connection of the given statement with other statements in terms of their truth values, that is to demonstrate of what statements the given statement is a truth function. It is, however, obvious that such a reductionist strategy cannot proceed endlessly. Such a system must contain ultimate statements, representing the limits of reducibility. Since the truth value of ultimate statements is not based upon the logical connection between them, they may only be postulated by some extra-logical means. It is at this point that purely logical procedures are of little value. The solution must be discovered at the level of epistemology. Thus the logical apparatus of the Principia finally rests upon certain epistemological and philosophical foundations. Russell rests upon an idealist, neo-Platonist epistemology, holding that sense perception is the ultimate source of experience. [See Russell, Our Knowledge of the External World as a Field for Scientific Method in Philosophy, p. 363.] For Russell all knowledge is reducible to a set of atomic statements or assertions, which are empirically verifiable by sense perception. Therefore, for logical atomism, all knowledge is a set of statements about sense data and the cognitive meaning of the set of fundamental statements is revealed in the last analysis through the empirical sense-perceived conditions of truth. Therefore, to understand an assertion or statement consists in knowing its empirical conditions, the sense datum which verifies them. Russell formulated this relation thusly, “Verification always consists in the appearance of the anticipated sense-data.” Schlick used the phrase “The meaning of a proposition is the method of its verification.” Obviously, the verification principle of logical atomism relies upon observation or sensation. But what of non-observable statements? Wittgenstein’s answer in the Tractatus held that logical and mathematical propositions do not constitute knowledge of reality, they are contentless and empty. They are basically guidelines indicating the permissible transformations of modes of linguistic expressions, but in no way bear upon their meaning. Logical propositions are tautologies which are true under any and all combinations. Such tautologies convey no knowledge of the actual world or bring forth no new information [see Suppe on the Received View]. Carnap later on took up this same view. [The Logical Structure of the World.] According to this view the world assumes the structure of mathematical logic and therefore proposes that the world is in a one to one correspondence with logic. [Russell, The Structure of the External World.]

The Theory of Correspondence
This unique theory of correspondence brings together the reductionist and anti-realist positions of logical empiricism. While later rejecting the earlier atomist ontology [Suppe, p. 67] it sacrificed nothing in terms of its logic and methodology. It merely separated analytical and synthetic truths [Suppe, p. 67]. Hindess goes so far as to suggest that neo-positivism treats all ontology as strictly meaningless [p. 239] Carnap as well argues in this direction [Schlick, 1963, p. 868] this constituted an abandonment of ontology by Carnap and the Vienna Circle. This constituted a solipsistic turn, and as V. S. Shvyrev suggests, the universalization of formal logic and the effort to build a theory of knowledge resting exclusively upon concepts of formal logic. Shvyrev finally makes the following point: “. . . abandonment of ontological presuppositions such as the theory which constitutes reality as a set of atomic facts does not in any way influence the essence of epistemological logic. . . . Therefore, by disregarding the pluralist ontology of logical atomism, the neopositivists of the Vienna Circle were able to borrow the fundamental characteristics of the conception of the epistemological logic of Russell and Wittgenstein: the view of knowledge as a system of extensionally related statements, the understanding of the truth of ultimate statements as empirical truth, and the fundamental opposition presumed to exist between the logical character of the propositions of both logic and mathematics on the one side, considered as procedures for symbolic transformations, and, on the other side, the propositions of the rest of science considered as empirical knowledge of reality” [pp. 15-16]. Thus the problem now becomes that of cognitive significance of statements. Statements therefore, either have formal meaning–i.e. synthetic significance, or empirical meaning–i.e., analytic significance. Finally, logic and mathematics and later semantics are contrasted to all other sciences as a formal science.
However, the problems of observation and empirical significance are seen as problems of the relations of logical knowledge to sensory knowledge–of tautological statements to sense datum [quote Carnap and Schllip].
Assertions containing empirical conditions of truth are contrasted to those which contain formal meaning. This synthetic-analytic distinction first appeared in Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason [Suppe]. This distinction can be characterized as the observation-theoretical distinction. It is crucial to logical empiricism’s attempt at carrying out a logical analysis of knowledge directed at disclosing its empirical significance. Shvyrev suggests that logical empiricism’s concept of empirical significance reduces the logical and in particular the intellectual content of knowledge to sensory knowledge, to the expression of given sensations in speech, thereby depriving thought of its distinctive quality as the highest stage of reflection [p. 16]. Suppe [p. 80] draws attention to the untenability of the observation-theoretical distinction as developed by logical empiricism. Using the findings of Putnam-Achinstein Suppe argues that logical empiricism onesidedly develops the distinction. Moreover, he argues that logical empiricism artificially presents the distinction.

Underlying the concept of empirical significance is the conclusion that the cognitive meaning of an assertion about the world consists of the expression of an immediate site of things. Joergensen quotes Carnap as saying, “The meaning of a statement consists in its expressing a (thinkable, not necessarily also an actual) state of affairs. If an alleged statement expressed no (thinkable) state of affairs, it has not meaning and hence is only apparently an assertion. If a statement expresses a state of affairs, it is at all events meaningful, and it is true if that state of affairs exists and false if it does not.” [p. 29] The point is that for a statement to be factual it must be grounded upon experience. For Carnap the use of logistical concepts allows for the statements of various sciences being transformed into statements about immediate experiences having the same truth-values as original statements. Therefore, all scientific statements are capable of being verified or falsified by means of immediate experience. This method of achieving empirical significance came to be known as the principle of verification. For logical empiricism in general the meaningfulness of reality-sentences is connected to their verifiability.
The question of how to verify reality sentences is of utmost importance. Popper establishes falsification as the criterion of the meaningfulness of statements. Using this criterion of meaning Popper proposed to sort out empirical-scientific sentences from a priori analytical sentences (logical and mathematical) as well as from nonfalsifiable reality sentences (metaphysics). Popper is, therefore, suggesting rather than an absolute concept one that argues for “degrees of testability (Prufbarkeit)” (Joergensen, p. 73). Empirical testability is identified not with verification, but with falsification–i.e., the possibility of empirical refutation of statements. The principle of falsifiability is regarded by Popper as the “criterias of demarcation,” the distinction between scientific empirical knowledge of the world and “metaphysical systems” [V. S. Shvyrev, p. 21). Carnap in the essay "Testability and Meaning" (Philosophy of Science, Vol. 3] argues that truth and confirmation must be distinguished. Truth he says is an absolute concept, independent of time, confirmation, on the other hand, is a relative concept, the degree of which varies with the development of science. Carnap differentiates directly testable reality-sentences from those that are indirectly testable. Directly testable reality sentences are those based directly upon observation. Indirectly testable reality sentences consists in directly testing other sentences that have certain relationships to it. Concerning verification and confirmation and thus the basis of establishing empirical significance Carnap says,
If by verification is meant a definitive and final establishment of truth, then no (synthetic) sentence is ever verifiable, as we shall see. We can only confirm a sentence more and more. Therefore, we shall speak of the problem of confirmation rather than of the problem of verification.
Carnap, finally, proposer that logic, rather than a fact for verification is directed to confirming sentences. As such, as with further developments in analytic philosophy, logic and methodology are primarily tools for formalizing given knowledge. With this overview I will proceed to the works of Mill, Russell and Carnap.

Mill’s Logic and Scientific Inquiry: Deduction in Mill’s Logic
In his System of Logic Mill sought to separate the empirical foundations of natural science from Humean causality. As such, he wished to demonstrate that the philosophy of experience could be the epistemological foundation of scientific inquiry. Although his epistemology remained bound to the sense content of phenomena and remained traditional and empiricist, his logical approach was innovative. His Logic is essentially a discussion of inferential knowledge and the rules of inference. His final object is to establish the superiority of inductive reasoning. As far as deduction is concerned he holds that it could never be the source of new knowledge. Mill equated deductive reasoning with its most common syllogistic form and argued that the syllogism cannot contain more than is in its premises. As he held, “no reasoning from generals to particulars can, as such, prove anything since from a general principle we cannot infer any particulars, but those which the principle itself assumes as known.” However, Mill defends deduction on the limited grounds that deductive and inductive reasoning proceeds “from particulars to paraticulars.” Syllogistic reasoning proceeds, “All men are mortal; Jones (not yet dead) is a man; therefore, Jones is mortal.” Our evidence that JOnes wil die and therefore is mortal (a particular truth) is based upon our evidence that Smith, Johnson, Harris have died and others who in significant ways are like Jones have died. We, therefore, infer from thier deaths to his. We infer from one set of particulars to another. Finally, it is experiential evidence upon which prediction rest. Experience is the real foundation of inference. Deduction is a manner of interpreting our initial inference. The value of deduction rests, therefore, upon its capacity to prevent misinterpretation. However, no new information is brought forward. Syllogisms merely recover from general statements particular ones that were previously assumed. Deductive or syllogistic reasoning is tautological. Mill refers to deductive inference as apparent inference. The propositions that arise from deductive logic are called verbal propositions.

Induction, on the other hand, is that method of logic which gives non-verbal general proposition that go beyond apparent observation. Real inference comes only from induction.

Inductive Reasoning and Scientific Explanation in Mill’s Logic

Induction is for Mill the source of substantive general propositions. He uses the term induction in two ways: (a) as inference and (b) as investigation. Mill is here proceeding in a Baconian Manner. He held that the cannons of the experimental method have the same function for induction as the cannons of syllogisms have for deduction. [O. A. Kubitz: 39] Mill’s definition of induction is classic and significant. Of induction he states: it is
. . . the operation of discovering and proving general propositions. It is true that . . . the process of indirectly ascertaining individual facts is truly inductive and that by which we establish general truths . . . But it is not a different kind of induction; it is a form of the very same process: since on the one hand, generals are but collections of particulars, definite in kind but indefinite in number; and on the other hand, whenever the evidence which we derive from observation of known cases justifies us in drawing inference respecting even one unkown case, we should on the same evidence be justified in drawing a similar inference with respect to a whole class of cases. The inference either does not hold at all, or it holds in all cases of a certain description, in all cases which in certain respects resemble those we have observed. [Logic: 208]
Herein we discover Mill’s dual usage of induction. The first is the collection of facts–here MIll is wedded to the Baconian experimental method. Secondly, induction is used to infer from particular observation. [Kubitz: 144]

Causality in Mill’s System
Mill, in order to propose the possibility of inference from particulars to general truths, assume dregularity and constancy in nature. Such an assumption is rooted in Newtonian mechanics. Newton argued that the movement of solid particles occurs in an absolute spatial and temporal framework. Their movements, moreover, are governed by immutable laws. The method of finding these laws was characterized by Newton as a process of analysis and synthesis. Analysis included the experimental operations; synthesis the mathematical and deductive operations Mill, however, gave primary to the analytic or experimental. For Mill it is evident that the “uniformity of the course of nature is . . . itself a complex fact, compounded of all the separate uniformities which exist in respect to single phenomena.” [Kubitz: 48, quoted from Mill's Definition of Political Economy] Mill says of this method,
“the method of the practical philosopher consists . . . of two processes; the one analytical, the other synthetical. He msut analyze the existing state of society into its elements, not dropping or losing nay of them by the way. After referring to experience of individual man to learn the law of each of these elements, that is to learn what are its natural effects, and how much of the effect follows from so much of the cause when not counteracted by any other cause there remains an operation of synthesis; to put all these effects together, and from what they are separately, to collect what would be the effect of all the causes acting at once. [Early Essays: 152-153]
General laws are general regularities emerging from the synthesis of particular regularities. As he states in the Logic, “what happens once, will under a sufficient degree of similarity of circumstances, happen again.” [quoted from Nagel: 317] The assumption of constancy in nature makes this possible. Thus an effect has a constant cause given constancy of circumstance. Thus Mill argues, causality is an “unconditional invariable antecedent” [Logic: 326] Inductive logic has as its principle purpose to discover nature’s regularities–i.e., the “unconditional invariable antecedents.” Mill suggests that the problem of induction is to discover, “the fewest and simplest assumptions, which being granted, the whole existing order of nature would result.” This search for atomic truths, as it werre, will be rediscovered by Russell. Mill places this matter in the follwoing words, “What are the fewest general propositions from which all the uniformities which exist in the universe might be deductively inferred?” [Logic: 317] Mill locked upon this as a long process which occurs over generations.

Newtonian Macrophysics and Millsean Causality
It is helpful, I believe, in understanding Mill’s concept of causality to look at the basic assumptions of Newtonian Macro-physics. Professor Horz and his colleagues havve written of Newtonian causlity.
If the state of a physical system, i.e., the position coordinates and momenta, and the forces affecting it are known with absolute precision at a given moment of time, the state of the system at any other time can be predicted with absolute accuracy. Characteristic of this classical-mechanical form of causality is the assumption of precise predictability. [my emphasis]

According to this and the Millsean conceptualization law and causality are identical. Its power rests with its mathematical elegance adn systematic construction which is based upon experimentally verified knoweldge and fully tested in practice [Horz]. Mill’s assumption that law-likeness or regularity in nature reflect invariance and precision are rooted in Newtonian mechanics. Moreover, Kubitz suggests that Mill’s understanding of analysis and synthesis was similar to Newton’s. According to Kubitz Newton and Mill adopted Stewart’s position on analysis and synthesis. Stewardt reversed the Greek foundation holding that the mathematical or geometric was distinct from that of the physicist. Mathematics begins from hypothetical assumptions and the object is to arrive at a known truth or datum by reasoning synthetically–a path that allows us to later on retrace our steps. The synthetic process is obtained by reversing the analytic process. Since both processes have in view the demonstration of the same theorem or the solution of the same problem, theyt form in reality different parts of one and the same investigations. [Kubitz: 173] Stewart states the problem in the follwoing manner,
. . . oru analysis necessarily sets out from known facts, and after it has conducted us to a general principle, the synthetical reasoning which follows consists always of an application of this principle to phenomena, different fromm those comprehended in the original induction. [quoted in Kubitz: 263]
Both Newton and Mill appear to have adopted this process. Analysis is to be understood as the experimental and observational stage, while the formalization of the results into law is considered the synthetic stage. The discovery of cause results from the formalization of observation and experiment.

NOTES

* Hilary Putnam poses the question in the manner which asks, “How does the mind access the world.” Putnam, rather than for transcendental idealism, argues for what he calls the method of internal realism, where concepts are intrinsically connected to the objects of reality. As he puts things, “‘Objects’ do not exist independently of conceptual schemes. We cut up the world into objects when we introduce one or another scheme of description. Since the objects and the signs are alike internal to the scheme of description, it is possible to say what matches what.” [p. 52] Putnam, therefore, suggests a transcendental connection which seeks to deny the correspondence theory of truth while upholding the necessity of sense datum being connected to a conceptual scheme. Putnam goes beyond Whewell, precisely by expanding the definition of what is real. The real becomes as well the conceptual.
* This process, under different circumstances and with different objectives, continued with logical empiricism, which declared the principle objective of logic to be the verification and later the confirmation of existing knowledge. Whewell did, however, address a principle weakness of Mill’s inductivism–i.e., its reductionism–while leaving unsettled the question of realism, an epistemological question which awaited the post positivist era to be addressed.
* Bhaskar p. 36 argues that neo-positivism holds that statements about being can be reduced to statements about knowledge, or putting it another way, ontological questions can be transposed into epistemological ones. Bhaskar calls this the epistemic fallacy.
* Popper felt that the initial statement of logical empiricism had complicated matters and that “logical positivism destroys, not only metaphysics, but also natural science. To correct the problem Popper proposed rather than verification, the method of falsification. Joergensen p. 72.
* Cite the contemporary efforts in mathematical logic.
* Mill’s position on induction and deduction was demonstrated through mathematics. Geometry was considered by him to be based on deductive logic. Mill argued that the conclusions of geometry are based on premises grounded in observation and generalization from these observations. Engels, interestingly, arrived at a similar conclusion.
* This method of dealing with problem of analysis and synthesis reappears in logical empiricism, particularly the work of Carnap and in analytic Marxism, but in the more sophisticated form of the relationship between empirical and theoretical knowledge.
monopoly and state monopoly capitalism.

Posted in LOGIC , METHODOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY | Leave a comment

THE UNDERCLASS THEORY AND ITS POLITICAL AND POLICY CONSEQUENCES

Bourgeois theories of class, class struggle and racism have assumed new ideological significance. More than mere academic brain games these theories embrace partisan class commitments. As such they have become an unalterable component of the general ideological struggle. Uppermost are the new efforts to redefine the working class and the class struggle. Much of this theorizing focuses upon the unemployed and that stratum of the workingclass that live in the deepest misery. Because Afro-Americans not only constitute a disproportionate number of the poor, but are a significant and decisive component of the workingclass, such theories inevitably propose a reinterpretation of the importance of racism to the determination of inequality and even of class membership. The poorest stratum of the Afro-American community are labelled a “ghetto underclass” . The underclass are defined as a new lumpenproletariat.

As well, some bourgeois theorist have recently “discovered” that race ceases to play a major role in determining the social status of Afro-Americans. Suddenly, and as a result of the passage of civil rights legislation and structural changes in the economy, racism, and especially institutionalized racism, has “declined in significance”. For them the question of Afro-American oppression is a “class question”. However, their class concept obscures the actual class position of the bulk of Afro-Americans and places one third of them in what the underclass.
Class, from this bourgeois perspective, is a concept that reflects income and occupation , social values and behaviors. It is descriptive rather than substantive. As such the fundamental aspect of class relationships in capitalist societies is missed — the antagonism between labor and capital, between monopoly capital and the broad working masses. The underclass, therefore, are people with very low or no incomes, criminal behavior and social values which are antisocial. All of this creates a “tangle of pathologies”. The concept social pathology is fundamental to the definition and theory of the underclass. It is argued that deep poverty produces social pathology. The International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences defines social pathology as “behavior [which] proceeds from a sick, damaged or defective personality.”

The Urban Institute , for instance, in its definition of the underclass “focus[es] on behavior rather than income as the distinguishing characteristic.” For them, the underclass are people who live in neighborhoods “where welfare dependency, female headed families, male joblessness, and dropping out of high school are all common occurrences.” William Julius Wilson’s definition also sees the “underclass” as a socially deviant population. He, like the researchers at the Urban Institute, reflects the dominant position in American sociology, that the social position of the poorest sections of the population produces latent and overt social illnesses and deviance. Wilson defines his view as a “refocused liberal perspective”. It essentially seeks to discover a consensus between prevailing liberal and conservative views concerning poverty and the underclass.
The underclass idea has deep roots in the history of American sociology and social philosophy. Its earliest roots are to be found in the Chicago School of sociology. Poverty was viewed as a condition of socially non-assimilated immigrants. There poverty was blamed upon their lack of appropriate social values and their social disorganization. Robert Merton’s theory of deviance contributes an
important dimension to this thinking. He argues that the position of the poor within the social structure produces social deviance and marginality. Thus, extreme poverty , for Merton, inevitably produces social deviance. Neither position seriously looked at the capitalist accumulation and the drive for maximum profit as the principle source of poverty.
PROBLEMS IN THE LOGIC OF THE UNDERCLASS CONCEPT
The underclass concept and the reasoning which informs it, has significant logical problems. Important questions must therefore be placed. For instance, is there a dialectical opposite of the concept underclass? Or is it logically disconnected from other class categories? If so, is the concept purely descriptive and therefore incapable of probing beyond the mere surface of class relationships? From the standpoint of its logic the underclass concept is (a) a descriptive concept which is not dialectically connected to other class concepts:(b) it , therefore does not emerge from an understanding of actual social relationships of production, which are the material foundation of social classes: (c) its scientific value is limited by the fact that it merely describes the external properties of the class phenomena it purports to explain.
The logic inherent to this approach leads to formalization of class explanations and the reduction of class defintion to properties of individuals. for instance, classes, are viewed, therefore, as collections of individuals, with the emphasis being placed upon the individual, rather than the class. Thus, not only is class struggle denied, but so is any concept of class consciousness. Moreover, economic relationships, or indeed relationships of production, have no place in this approach. For instance, bourgeois class concepts hierarchically organize social indicators such as incomes , occupations and social values . The fundamentals of social life which produce and reproduce classes and class relationships over historical time are without reflection in this approach. Those with the highest incomes have the most prestigious occupations and the highest social values–ultimately this is the bourgeois. Those with the lowest incomes and the least prestigious occupations (to be read the working class) have the lowest social values. This hierarchy establishes white male bourgeois values and behaviors as the standard to which all of society should orient itself. The values, behavior and class consciousness of the working class and poor are, therefore, viewed as levels of deviation from the bourgeois norm. This hierarchy of classes is obviously inherently anti-workingclass and carries also racist and sexist implications. It is therefore not accidental that most underclass theorist define it as a “class” consisting primarily of Afro-Americans . This superficial description of classes totally dismisses the economic class relationship between workers and capitalist which produces surplus value and profit.

AN UNCHANGING PROJECT OF BOURGEOIS SOCIAL THEORY
An unchanging project of bourgeois social theory is to disprove or “improve” upon the Marxist Leninist concept of the working class. In the late 19th century Bhoem-Bawerk argued that Marx’s idea of exploitation was without scientific justification. More recently it has been argued that Marx either never provided a consistent definition of class or that his theory of the sources of capitalist profit fails to stand up to analytic scrutiny. The French “socialist” Andre Gorz has argued that the unemployed are no longer a part of the working class, because according to him, they lack class consciousness. The US right social democrat Bayard Rustin, argued that urban poverty had transformed a significant part of the Afro-American workingclass into a lumpenproletariat or an ” underclass”. After all is said and done, the principle substance of these theories denies the existence of exploitation and the class struggle as the dominant factors of capitalist society. Inseparably connected to these efforts to “prove” the nonexistence of exploitation, the class struggle and finally the workingclass itself are efforts that seek to redefine the Afro-american people and the nature of their oppression. The most racist among bourgeois circles maintain that inequality is to be blamed upon the culture, genes, intelligence, psychology, lack of motivation, family breakup and other factors which they claim are “inherent” to the Afro-American people. Others have suggested that the racially oppressed are no different than other ethnic groups; thus denying the existence of racial oppression as a current reality for Afro-Americans. D.P. Moynihan and Nathan Glazer have been prominent advocates of this position. Dismissing racism as a principle factor in the lives of Afro-Americans, Moynihan argued for a policy of “benign neglect” or retreat on the part of government and society from support for affirmative action and social and economic programs that assist in overcoming centuries of enforced inequality. Nathan Glazers’ “affirmative discrimination” idea dovetails with Moynihan’s benign neglect thesis but adds to it the idea that governmental efforts on behalf of Afro-Americans, especially affirmative action, is a form of reverse discrimination against white males. William Julius Wilson has labelled affirmative action programs as “race specific” and of little value in overcoming the problems of those in the deepest poverty. He argues that such efforts are unable to gather broad political support and therefore are politically unfeasible. More importantly for his argument, racism itself is no longer a principle aspect of the problem, therefore special measures to address its consequences have minimal importance. In essence what is being said is that the inequality of Afro-americans is not a special question which requires special measures to address it. For Moynihan and Glazer Afro-Americans are but one of many ethnic groups. For Wilson once one excludes historic racism the problems of Afro-Americans have little to do with contemporary racism.

BOURGEOIS THEORY’S DOMINANT POSITION
Currently, the dominant line in contemporary bourgeois theory from the right and “left” is that the primary explanation of the persistence of racial inequality should be an economic or “class analysis”. Its class and economic analyses obscure actual class relationships and presents the economy in a onesided and mechanical way. Racism is factored out of the equation. The indicators of persistent inequality and rising poverty among the masses of Afro-Americans and other oppressed nationalities is viewed as a reflection of changes in the economy. Professor John Kassarda put forward the hypothesis that the Black poor are not where the jobs are. This is known as the mismatch hypothesis–i.e. the unemployed are geographically and in terms of training not matched to existing jobs. Though this line uses economic categories its understanding of the economy eliminates any notion of structural, cyclical and general crises of capitalism. They speak of the economy in terms that suggest it is a machine that is free of inherent contradictions and crises. As such, what one is left with is a a onesided “technical” explanation of economics, which is devoid of any notion of class conflict. More fundamental issues such as the permanence of unemployment and poverty under capitalism and the relationship of these phenomenon to the process of the maximization of profit finds no reflection in th is mechanical and purely technical understanding of the economy. Thus the economic categories are extremely narrow and thus fail to fully address the problem of poverty and its intensifcation.

THE UNDERCLASS A MAJOR FOCUS OF BOURGEOIS CLASS THEORY
A good part of bourgeois class theory is focused upon explaining the underclass . Although the proponents of this concept differ in their political complexion, the concept itself is rooted in immutable ideological commitments.
Academic theorists and researchers have for a decade refined and reformulated the concept into a theory that now claims to explain “permanent poverty”.
Journalist and propagandists have given this concept broad exposure. Circles as varied as liberal and conservative think tanks and academic institutes, as well as civil rights and trade union organizations regularly use the concept. It has even begun to be reflected in the writings and discussions of some left circles.
Nicholas Lemann writing in the Atlantic Monthly proclaimed, “the negative power of the ghetto culture all but guarantees that any attempt to solve the problems of the underclass in the ghetto won’t work– the culture is too strong by now.” Lemann goes on to argue that the “ghetto underclass” is the transplanted agricultural proletariat and sharecroppers from the South who have brought values, behaviors and psychology of dependency to the North. Mickey Kaus in the New Republic repeats this culture of poverty approach adding, “it is stupid to pretend that the culture of poverty isn’t largely a black culture”. Eleanor Holmes Norton in the New York Times Magazine arguing that Moynihanism was fundamentally corrected in its explanation of Afro-american inequality, suggests that a new lumpen proletariat of young Afro-american males have appeared in the urban ghettos who threaten the institutional stability of the Black community. Pete Hamill writing in Esquire claims that the underclass is the greatest threat to the US social structure. In each instance the underclass concept is used to argue that racism is no longer significant in explaining Afro-American poverty and the deteriorating conditions among the Afro-American poor. Norman Hill in a review of Wilson’s book, The Truly Disadvantaged, holds that “dramatic economic progress of the black middle class” is evidence that racism or what he terms “race specific explanations” cannot explain increasing poverty. Wilson argues, “If contemporary discrimination is the main culprit, why did it produce the most severe problems of urban social dislocation during the 1970′s , a decade that followed an unprecedented period of civil rights legislation and ushered in affirmative action programs?” The question is phrased in a way that suggests its answer. That is that since legal discrimination was outlawed with the civil rights legislation than racism is no longer primarily able to explain growing poverty. However, it seems strange to argue that the removal of legal barriers has meant that the substance of racism and inequality is removed from the social system. This is precisely the argument however.
A wide debate over the meaning , size and racial characteristics of the underclass is occurring. Differences over its size range from 1.6 million to 9 million. Ken Auletta, whose book The Underclass helped to popularize the concept, divides the underclass into four groups–(a)the passive poor, what he calls long term welfare recipients:( b)hostile street criminals (c)hustlers who earn their living in the underground economy, but rarely commit violent crime: (d) traumatized drunks, drifters , mental patients. Auletta sees class generally and the underclass in particular as made up of individuals who share similar behaviors.
Liberals and conservatives alike view the behaviors of the “underclass” as a significant part of the problem. Each ultimately views the poor as pathological and that their social pathology is considered partly, if not solely, determinant of their “class” position. For example researchers at the Urban Institution in Washington look at the underclass as a geographic clustering of certain kinds of behaviors. Robert Reischauer of the Brookings Institute formulates his position in a way that identifies the underclass with female headed families who live in poverty. Professor John Kassarda argues that urban economic development and urban demographics are on a “collision course”, which suggests that the Black poor no longer have a place in large cities. They are not matched to the jobs and the economies of so-called “information” and “post industrial” cities.

UNDERCLASS, A RACIAL CATEGORY
The underclass theory is perverted by the fact that it is racially colored.William Wilson differentiates the underclass from the rest of the poor by what he considers the “permanence”, or long term nature of their poverty. He contends that the underclass, as well, are geographically segregated and socially isolated from the general population. He holds that this isolation produces a “concentration effect” or a situation in which “pathologies” reproduce the underclass. Wilson also differentiates the Afro-American “underclass” from the white poor. He claims that the white poor are not subject to the effects of social isolation and therefore do not manifest the same level of “social pathologies”. His argument is that while whites may be just as poor as their Afro-American counterparts the white poor have the advantage of living in communities where the social fabric is intact. In a recent article Wilson makes this point strongly. He says,” If one were to conduct a study that simply compared the responses of poor urban whites with those of poor urban blacks independent of concentration effects, that is , without taking into account the different neighborhoods in which pooor whites and poor blacks tend to live, one would reach conclusions about attitudes, norms, behavior and human capital traits that would be favorable to poor whites and unfavorable to poor blacks.[my emphais, TM] To put this thinking in more direct terms, what Wilson is saying is that the poorest stratum of Afro-Americans, unlike whites living in similar poverty, have become lumpenproletariats. More significantly what he is suggesting is that the Afro-American poor, unlike the white poor, are separated from the working class, class consciousness and the class struggle. Wilson defines the underclass as ” that heterogeneous grouping of inner-city families who are outside the mainstream of the American occupational system. Included in this population are persons who lack training and skills and either experience long term unemployment or have dropped out of the labor force altogether; who are long-term public assistance recipients; and who are engaged in street criminal activity and other forms of abberant behaviors.” According to Wilson, “about one third of the entire black population” is included in the underclass. Wilson literally defines one third of Afro-Americans as a declassed and surplus population. To place 1/3 of Afro-Americans in the “underclass” which is inseparable from criminals and others who victimize the working people and threaten the social fabric is at best a characterization of the Afro-American poor which capitulates to racism.

INCREASE AND INTENSIFICATION OF POVERTY
Although a good part of current writing upon poverty looks at some of its economic causes in such factors as structural changes in the economy and the movement of industries away from the inner cities and even outside the country, inevitably the focus is upon what are considered the social pathologies of the poor. Inevitably the focus shifts away from the economy and to the poor themselves. Poverty is, thereby, studied as a thing in itself. In referring to those in deepest poverty as a lumpenproletariat what is being said is that its values and social psychology are in part responsible for reproducing and perpetuating poverty and misery.
On the other hand an increasing body of research has demonstrated that race and class operate jointly in determining the lives of Afro-Americans and other oppressed minorities. Economist Victor Perlo demonstrate that racism generated from the system of production accounts for 220 billion dollars annually of extra profits for the transnational corporations. Of this total 166 billion dollars are generated extra through the exploitation of Afro-American workers alone. Moreover, the overwhelming majority of impoverished Afro-Americans either work every day or are consistently seeking work. Michael Reich argues that the buying and selling of labor itself is infused with racism which confines Afro-American workers to the lowest paying jobs.
Underclass theorist have underestimated the magnitude of poverty as well. In this regard, the Bureau of Labor Statistics has recently suggested that poverty is a far larger problem than previously stated by the government. They now consider that at least 43.5 million people live in poverty. Economist Victor Perlo brings the BLS family budget up to current cost of basic necessities and concludes that 60 million people live in or near poverty. That is, one of every four Americans. As far as Afro-Americans are concerned the figure could conceivably be close to 60% of the total population. Even when using official figures some 7 million people have been added to the poverty roles during the years of Reaganism. In this same period, Afro-Americans lost 27% of previously held manufacturing jobs .
Daniel Lichter in explaining the economic situation of Afro-Americans sees a situation of economic underemployment. This category combines unemployment, underemployment, workers who work at poverty wages and those discouraged from looking for work. According to his research, Black workers are 2.5 times more likely to be unemployed than white workers and 4.8 times as likely to be discouraged. Moreover more than 1/3 of Afro-american workers 36.2% are underemployed. Litcher’s analysis suggests that the large and persistent body of impoverished Afro-Americans are primarily low paid and part time worker, as well as, unemployed and discouraged workers. Hence rather than a socially deviant and isolated underclass they are a part of the working class. Licther concludes, “race had more bearing on the likelihood of being underemployed in 1982 than it did in 1970. There is little evidence of the `declining significance of race’, at least as it pertains to labor force marginality in the urban core.”

FEMALE-HEADED HOUSEHOLDS ARE PART OF THE WORKINGCLASS
Underclass theorist place strong emphasis upon the social psychological conditions that supposedly keep people in poverty. Uppermost in this respect is the female headed household. Wilson for instance, argues that female headed households where the mother does not participate in the work force are pathological. The rise of female headedness is general to the society. However, the more rapid rate at which this occurred through the late 1970′s among Afro-Americans took place in the midst of an overall decline in the birthrates among black women and a much more rapid decline among married Afro-american women. However, more than 41% of Afro-american families headed by women did not live in poverty, and the majority of those who did were female heads who work at poverty wages. The point is that the majority of female headed households do not fit even Wilson’s description of the “underclass” . Moreover, it can be suggested that a good part of those forced into “permanent welfare dependency” are either discouraged workers, women for whom day care is unavailable thus limiting labor force participation or low paid female workers for whom welfare benefits are critical to the survival of their families. Rather than an underclass, poor families headed by females are overwhelmingly workingclass. Moreover, the majority of welfare recipients do not use these benefits continuously, confirming their on going links to the labor force and the workingclass.
What is significant is that as a whole the Afro-American workingclass has gotten poorer in absolute terms. However, what the underclass theory minimizes and in fact obscures is that the crisis of capitalism has had devastating affects on Blacks. Wilson expresses the inability to grasp this point when he says the following: “In the economic realm, then, the black experience has moved historically from economic racial oppression experienced by virtually all blacks to economic subordination for the black underclass….The ultimate basis of current racial division is the deleterious effect of basic structural changes in modern American economy on black and white lower income groups.” This is to suggest that race is no longer a major factor. But is “economic subordination” only a problem of the “underclass” or is class exploitation and racism a problem for all Afro-American workers? Furthermore, “class subordination” and exploitation is the situation of all workers under capitalism. Afro-American workers experience both class exploitation and racial oppression on the job and in their communities.

CAPITALISM AND POVERTY
A genuine theory of poverty and its frightful rise and horrible consequences must begin with the political economy of capitalism. That is, the drive for maximum profit, the globalization of the economy, the domination of the US economy by transnational corporations and banks, the enormous military budget, the use of the advances of science and technology in ways that increases poverty and unemployment and intensifies exploitation, the intensification of institutionalized racism and sexism in the drive for maximum profit. Beginning here one can than speak of policies to do away with homelessness, hunger, unemployment etc. Thus an anti-poverty program must be an anti-monopoly, anti-military budget, anti-racist and anti-reaganism program. It must be rooted in the united struggles of the workingclass, the Afro-american, Hispanic and other minorities, women and youth. The discussion of poverty which attempts to diagnose it by “understanding the poor” and labelling them the underclass ends up apologizing for monopoly capital and obscuring its fundamental role in creating and perpetuating poverty.
Rejecting the underclass theory and its application to the problems of Afro-American inequality and poverty, does not indicate a failure to recognize the profound social, moral and psychological problems that class exploitation, racism, sexism,militarism and poverty create for the working class. As has been indicated, these problems do not originate in the workingclass, or among Afro-Americans, but are the product , finally, of the capitalist system of production. In part this fact is demonstrated by the general social nature of these problems. Current data indicate these problems are neither ghetto or Afro-American specific. A 1985 study conducted by the Education Commission for the States reports:
-Drug and alcohol abuse among young people is up 60 fold since 1960.
-Teen pregnancy is up 109% among whites and 10% among non-whites since 1960.
-Teen homicide is up “an astounding 232% for whites” and 16% for nonwhites since 1950.
-Suicide is up more than 150% since 1950 with a teenager committing suicide every 90 minutes.
What this data begins to suggest is that the identification of these social problems with the “ghetto underclass” is a distortion of their social scope. Moreover, the popular belief, which is contributed to by underclass theorists, that all major social problems are primarily and in some instances exclusively Afro-American,is false and tends to contribute to a racist characterization of the Afro-American community. Lastly, their general scope suggests that their roots are enmeshed in the basic fabric of the US capitalist system. Conversely, to identify them as “underclass” or “ghetto specific” is to obscure their roots and to shift blame from the system and place it in whole or part upon the main victims of the capitalist system.
The decline of two parent households is held to be responsible for a major part of the poverty in the Afro-American community and the creation of the underclass. Wilson argues that their are fewer “marriageable” Afro-American men than in the past. This emerges , he contends, from the lack of jobs. This is partially true. However, the trend toward single parenthood is neither an Afro-American nor poor peoples problem. Sociologist Christopher Jencks argues that the trend is similar across racial and income groups. Jencks argues, “Single parenthood began to spread during the 1960′s, when the economy was booming. It spread during the 1970′s, when the economy stagnated. It spread in the early 1980′s during the worst economic downturn in a half century.” His point is that cultural changes and changing values must be seen as having a major influence.
As well, it is fashionable among a number of writers to label all Afro-American, Hispanic or workingclass behavior, linguistic styles, body language, dress, music and other national and class specific behaviors that do not bow to bourgeois norms as deviant. For instance rap music, which grows out of a specifically urban Afro-American experience and increasingly takes on a progressive content, is sometimes viewed as “underclass” and therefore reflective of deviance. When in reality its form often manifests a militant rejection of the sharp edge of racism and its impact upon nonwhite youth. Douglas Glasgow contends that much of the behavior that bourgeois journalist and academics call deviant are social forms that prepare Afro-American youth at an early age for life of inequality and denial of opportunity. Such behaviors, which should not be confused with anti-social and criminal activity , according to Glasgow have the effect of partially neutralizing the personality destructive effects of institutionalized racism. At the same time there exists a wide range of spontaneous behaviors among Afro-American youth that manifest deep anti-racist and anti-militarist feelings. Moreover, any assertive and self confident behavior on the part of Afro-American youth is viewed by many in the establishment as threatening and labeled as deviant or pathological.

THE POOR AND THE LUMPENPROLETARIAT
It would be unscientific to deny that there is a lumpenproletariat in our society. It comes from all classes and racial groups . However, it is a minuscule portion of the population. The lumpenproletariat is qualitatively different from the majority of the poor. Unlike the lumpenproletariat, the majority of the poor are inseparable from the workingclass. The lumpen not only are not a part of the workingclass, but in their values, consciousness and psychology are deeply anti-workingclass. At the same time those strata of the workingclass that have suffered severe and prolonged unemployment and underemployment do not share the same level of class organization, class discipline and class consciousness of regularly employed workers in basic industry and service sectors of the economy. Moreover, the organized section of the workingclass are by far the most class conscious and reflect this in their overall leadership of the workingclass. However, the self organization of the poorest segments of the working class, such as the National Union of the Homeless and its affiliation with the National Hospital Workers Union, reflect the growing class consciousness of that stratum of the workingclass. The National Union of the Homeless have fought corporate efforts to recruit homeless men and women as scabs and cheap labor against the interest of the trade union movement. Furthermore, the political mobilization of this stratum in the political campaigns of Harold Washington and Jesse Jackson, among others, is further indication of their growing unity with the entire struggle of the workingclass.

THE UNDERCLASS THEORY OBSCURES THE REAL SITUATION
Does the underclass theory clarify or obscure poverty and unemployment? Does it explain the class struggle and the struggle against racism or obscure them? Why has it appeared now and why has it received such broad acceptance in the media? In the final analysis the underclass label obscures the real causes of poverty. Most of research on the so-called underclass examines everything but the basis of poverty in the capitalist system, the growing military budget, an economy dominated by transnational banks and corporations, the policies of Reaganism, etc. Moreover, it is a useful handle in denying the existence of racism and the need for a continued struggle against it, especially a more determined fight for strong affirmative action programs. It is also an attempt to redefine the workingclass. to exclude from its ranks large numbers of Afro-Americans and to label this excluded stratum an underclass that is anti-social.
Some would suggest that a good part of the underclass theory is useful to progressive movements. The opposite, however, is the case. Under conditions of sharpening class struggle and rising class solidarity this theory provides ammunition for those who would divide the working class and anti-racist forces. It is a special attack upon Afro-Americans and is compatible with those of the most racist forces in our society.
The policy recommendations that emerge from this theory neither address the horrible growth in poverty, nor its awful impact upon the Afro-American working people. Their policy proposals avoid any infringement upon the super profits of the multinational corporations, as well as their tax and other privileges. They fail to seriously address the bloated military budget. In terms of jobs programs nothing is said of legislative and other measures to prevent plant closures, runaway plants and the general flight of capital from the US. Nothing is said of either nationalization of industries that are disinvesting in the US or the conversion of military industries to civilian production. Strong affirmative action programs are either totally rejected or defined as a narrow ” middle class” recommendation not suited to the needs of the poor. Nothing beyond mild liberal remedies are offered to reverse mounting poverty. Nothing approaching radical democratic or anti-monopoly transformations of the economy are ever mentioned.

THE WORKINGCLASS IN BOURGOEIS THEORY
Bourgoeis theory, in the last analysis, expresses utter contempt for the workingclass and its interests. In fact, it is capable of little more than the most perverse distortions of the working people and their struggles. Moreover, it expresses equal contempt for the Afro-American people. The designation of the most impoverished sections of the Afro-American people as an underclass, which boils down to labelling them a social subclass, is the most recent expression of this contempt. The idea that the Afro-American poor are mired in social pathology and deviance is further indication of this this position. In each case the working people and the poor, especially Afro-Americans, are seen as a passive mass, incapable of class consciousness and unified class action. In this context the system of monopoly capital is pictured as capable of solving the problems of class expolitation, racism and poverty. On these matters the underclass theorist are unequivocal in their defense of the capitalist system. As such, it is but the most recent version of anti-workingclass ideology.

REFERENCES
William Julius Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race (Chicago:University Of Chicago Press,1978)
This is the concept used extensively by sociologist and social psychologist. The concept social pathology is differentiated from deviance in social science. Kenneth Clark in Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power (New York: Harper and Row,1965) made extensive use of this concept to describe the Afro-American community. It has subsequently been used as an alternative explanation which suggests that the internal social psychological dynamics within the Afro-American community are such that institutionalized racism plays a minor and dinimishing role in understanding and producing inequality. 
Isabell V. Sawhill, “What About America”s Underclass”, in Challenge:The Magazine of Economic Affairs, p.28 
International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York: The Macmillan Company and The Free Press, 1968) Vol. 4, pp151-52. 
Robert K. Merton”Social Structure and Anomie” in Social Theory and Social Structure( New york: Free Press, 1957) pp131–60 , also see,The International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, (New York, The Macmillan Co. and The Free Press, 1968) Vol. 4 ,pp. 151. 
Karl Marx, “The General Law of Capitalist Accumulation”,Capital, Vol.1 ( Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1966) Here Marx demonstrates the inevitable relationship of the process of capitalist accumulation to the creation of poverty. As well he discusses the varying strata of impoverished workers. Marx referred to the vast majority of the unemployed as a reserve army of unemployed and a surplus population. 
Karl Marx and the Close of his System ( London: Unwin,1898) 
Among others see John Roemer, A General Theory of Exploitation and Class (Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1982) He is a chief proponent of a trend called “Analytic Marxism”, which in essence is anti-Marxism. 
Bayard Rustin,Strategies for Freedom (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976),chapter,3. 
Charles Murray’s Losing Ground, Edward Banfield’s Unheavenly City, Thomas Sowell’s Ethnic America and Economics and Politics of Race, are recent examples of this right wing position. 
Nathan Glazer and Daniel Moynihan, Beyond The Melting Pot,( Cambridge: MIT Press 1970)
“Affirmative Discrimination: For and Against” in, Ethnic Dilemmas: 1964–1982,(Cambridge: Harvard University Press,1983)
William Julius Wilson,The Truly Disadvantaged, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press) chapter,5.
For a discussion of this see, Norman Fainstien, “The Underclass/Mismatch Hypothesis as an Explanation for Black Economic Deprivation”, in Politics and Society, p.405.
Nicholas Lemann, “The Origins of the Underclass” The Atlantic Monthly, (June, 1986) p.36.
Mickey Kaus, “The Work Ethic State”, The New Republic, (July 7, 1986), p.22.
Pete Hamill, “Breaking The Silence:A letter to a black friend”,Esquire, March 1988.
Norman Hill, “The Loss of Jobs and the Rise of the Underclass”, American Educator,(Summer, 1988) p.18
William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged, p.11.
Ken Auletta, The Underclass (New york: Vintage 1983) p.xvi.
quoted in “Worsening Plight of the `Underclass’ Catches Attention of Researchers”, in The Chronicle of Higher Education, p.7
.ibid.
. William Julius Wilson, ” The Ghetto Underclass and the Social Transformation of the Inner City”, p.15 The Black Scholar, May/June 1988.
. William J. Wilson, “The Underclass in Advanced Industrial Society” in The New Urban Reality, ed. Paul E. Peterson (Washington D>C: Brookings Institution, 1985, p.133.
William J. Wilson, The Declining Significance of Race, pp.151-52.
Victor Perlo, Super Profits And Crises (New York: International Publishers,1988) p.
Victor Perlo, “How Prevalent is Poverty?” People’s Daily World, Tuesday , August, 2,1988, p.9.
Daniel Lichter, “Racial Difference in Underemployment in American Cities” American Journal of Sociology,(January, 1988) p.779
ibid. p.789.
Fainstein, op. cit. pp. 407–8.
Wilson, “The Urban Underclass in Advanced Industrial Society” op. cit.
cited in Charles P. Henry, “Understanding the Underclass: Culture And Economic Progress” paper presented at the annual meeting of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists, Washington D.C. March 24-26, 1988, p.11.
Christopher Jencks, “Deadly Neighborhoods”,in The New Republic, (June 13, 1988) p.28



Posted in Black Oppression, AIDS, Poverty and Unemployment, Race , class and sociological studies and theories | Leave a comment

AN EMERGENCY APPEAL TO THE WORLD ON BEHALF OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN PEOPLE

NOTE: I composed this appeal to the world on behalf of a coalition of African American activist organizations in the summer of 2000 as the Republican Party began it’s national convention in Philadelphia. Anticipating demonstrations and protests against racism and for the freedom of Mumia Abu Jamal, severe police restrictions were imposed on the African American community.

Emergency Coalition Against Police Brutality*

Philadelphia, PA — In 1951 William L Patterson and Paul
Robeson petitioned the UN charging the US government with
the high crime of genocide against Black Americans. In 1964
Malcolm X spoke before the Organization of African Unity
again charging the US government with violating the human
rights of African Americans. In recent years various Black
organizations and individuals have appeared before UN
committees and agencies and have appealed to foreign
governments to intercede on our behalf.

We have called on the international media to alert world
public opinion, international organizations, governments
and non-governmental organizations, to the growing peril
that the African American people face. In two days 45,000
delegates and active supporters of the Republican Party will
converge on this city to nominate their Presidential and
Vice Presidential candidates and to adopt a platform. While
they celebrate, tens of thousands of African Americans
will be under police lock down and occupation of their
communities. This reality manifests the two nations,
separate and unequal, nature of race relations in the
United States. This situation, in its essentials, is
identical to apartheid colonialism of the South African
type.

An accurate understanding of the nature of Black oppression
is critical to mobilizing international support to prevent
what we believe could eventuate in a great human catastrophe;
genocide. Since the passage of the Comprehensive Civil
Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965
the situation for the majority of African Americans has
worsened. Socio-economic and housing data show that African
Americans are more unequal than in the 1960′s. A Black
middle class has emerged with greater opportunity, income
and wealth; albeit, no where near the level of the white
middle class. Eighty percent of our people are, however,
more segregated (the majority of the working class and poor
in deteriorating ghettoes), more unemployed and under-
employed, more criminalized, undereducated and homeless than
40 years ago. The situation resembles the period of legal
segregation known as Jim Crow, which was constructed after
the Civil War. Rather than a rural, peasant, population,
today we are overwhelming urban and working class.

The legal gains of the 1960′s have been trumped by the
structural violence brought on by the rapaciousness of
neo-liberal economic policies, imperialist globalization
and the anti-African American policies championed by the
Republican and Democratic Parties. A stunning reflection
of this is rising infant mortality and a lowering life
expectancy for African Americans. One study indicates that
Black men living in Harlem have a lower life expectancy than
men living in Bangladesh. When this is combined with the
spread of HIV/AIDS, cancers of every type, heart disease and
hypertension the outcomes are horrifying. Moreover, in spite
of the catastrophic health emergency in the Black community,
we have less access to health care than any group in the
nation. From a socio-economic, health and demographic
standpoint the conditions of Africans in America resemble
those of many nations of the developing world.

Of alarming and overriding significance at this moment
is the political and legal status of Africans in America.
African Americans are being deprived of their citizenship
rights. As such, we are becoming a stateless people. In
1857, in the landmark Dred Scott Decision, Chief Justice
Roger Taney declared, ” a black man has no rights a white
man need respect”. We are returning to that legal doctrine.

Approximately 3.5 million adult African Americans are
without the elementary right to vote due to imprisonment,
being on parole, probation or some other way under the
control of the criminal justice system. In several states,
including Pennsylvania, former prisoners who have completed
their sentences are denied the right to vote for up to five
years. Jury pools, which are drawn from voter lists, as a
result, eliminate large numbers of Africans in America. Tens
of thousands of Black people are, therefore, denied the
right to a jury of their peers. Prosecutors and judges, at
the same time, conspire to eliminate eligible Blacks from
juries. These practices violate the equal protection clause
of the Fourteenth Amendment and the voting rights provisions
of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution.

Yet, this is but the tip of the iceberg. Systematic and
violent police attacks upon and murders of Black people is
predicated upon the devaluation of Black life and the idea
that we are merely second or third class citizens; a status
tantamount to being a non-citizen. Black folk, in the end,
are denied most legal protections. Moreover, the police
function as an occupying army in African American
communities and neighborhoods. Rather than protect residents
and citizens, they attack them at will. The widely used
practice of racial profiling is a military tactic adapted to
the specific conditions of an urbanized, colonized working
class population. Its intent is to contain Blacks within
designated, limited and ghettoized geographic areas. Once
racially profiled, or identified as being outside of those
areas, the police assume the right to shoot, beat and kill
on sight. On the other hand, there are street units, made
up of undercover paramilitary thugs, who patrol Black
neighborhoods under the guise of seeking out drug dealers
and criminals, but whose primary mission is to intimidate,
assault and murder innocent working class Black people. The
intent, once again, is to contain and limit the movements
of Blacks. New York City’s street units have been the most
violent and murderous. These methods led to the brutal
murder of the West African immigrant Amadou Diallo. On other
occasions open torture is used. Haitian immigrant Abner
Louima was brutally tortured in a Brooklyn New York police
precinct. Pepper spray, tear gas, choke holds and other
paramilitary methods are used to subdue law-abiding
citizens merely because they are suspected of a crime.

It is estimated that more than 2,000 Black and Latino
civilians were murdered by police officers in the 1990′s.
To understand the full impact of these killings they must
be combined with the three strikes and you’re out measures,
which have put thousands of non-violent offenders in jail
for life. Black folk, who make up 13% of the US population,
constitute 55% of those in prison. On any single day over
50% of young African men in our major urban centers are in
jail or under the control of the criminal justice system.

Scientific racist scholarship has emerged to justify police
violence against Blacks. These studies, such as the Bell
Curve, argue that behavior, such as intelligence and
criminality, are genetically determined. Blacks, they
insist, are genetically coded to commit violent crimes
and are thus beyond the bounds of civil society and civil
rights. The police and other societal forces of repression
must, therefore, control them. Corporate sponsored pop
culture, such as gangster rap and the genre of Hollywood
films known as Black exploitation films, stereotype Black
youth as lazy thugs and criminals, thereby rationalizing
police violence against them.

The dramatic rise of Black men in prison has shocked the
world. We now witness the distressing rise of women and
children behind bars. This is exacerbated by the growing
trend to try children as adults and to even execute persons
who committed crimes before they were legally adults.
Furthermore, the prisons are being transformed into
factories for cheap slave labor. This has led to the
rise of a prison industrial economy.

The death penalty is a uniquely racist instrument of the
forces of reaction that are arrayed against Black people.
African American men constitute 45% of those on death row,
although they are but 6% of the population. All white juries
have convicted close to 40% of Black death row inmates.
Disbarred, inexperienced and unqualified lawyers have
represented most of them. Most have been convicted on
the basis of the flimsiest evidence.

Increasingly, the death penalty is being used as a political
weapon to silence politically outspoken African Americans
like Shaka Sankofa and Mumia Abu Jamal. This is, indeed, an
ominous development. The Republican nominee for President,
George W. Bush, has overseen the executions of 137 people,
most Black and Latino, many undoubtedly completely innocent.
The execution of Shaka Sankofa is viewed by legal scholars
and observers of the death penalty as a public lynching; a
form of state sponsored terrorism.

As the situation of police assaults on Blacks increases
new laws have been placed on the books that undermine the
constitutional protections from, or redress for police
brutality and murder. The courts and criminal justice system
have become universal devices to repress and re-enslave
Africans in America. The most endangered group is death row
inmates. The Affective Death Penalty Act of 1996 narrows the
door to federal appeals for wrongful convictions. It under-
mines habeas corpus. It speeds up the death process for poor
and Black people. New judicial procedures and laws are a
return to the form of law and order institutionalized in
the infamous Black Codes that arose after the Civil War and
were enforced by the KKK. A profound transformation of the
architecture of the law is occurring. Changes which portend
profound danger for black people and the possibilities of
democracy in the United States.

Along with this is the continuing presence of COINTELPRO
type surveillance of political activists. Hundreds of Black
Panthers, Black Liberation Army, civil rights and other
activists from the 1960′s and 1970′s languish in prisons for
crimes they are innocent of. Jeromino Ji Jaga Pratt spent 27
years in a California jail in a FBI frame-up. Assata Shakur,
among others, remains in exile. Mumia Abu Jamal is a heroic
symbol of the imprisonment of political activists and
revolutionaries. Tens of our leaders like Medgar Evers,
Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. were assassinated.
Growing evidence points to government conspiracies in
their deaths.

When added up these are violations of the human rights of
African Americans on a massive scale. It is our contention
that they warrant serious consideration under Chapter VII
of the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, as well as other treaties that uphold and protect
human rights.

Our appeal is made because of the dangerous situation posed
to the lives and wellbeing of Black as a consequence of
these human rights violations. We contend they constitute
a form of genocide as defined under international law.
Imprisonment, police brutality and murder, criminalization,
disease, functional illiteracy, social and cultural
marginalization, police military occupation of African
American communities are variables which separately or
in combination over one or more generations could imperil
Black collective existence, as well as our primary social
institutions, such as the church and family.

It is not news that the political situation in the US
has moved dangerously to the right. Both Democrats and
Republicans are right wing. The police state measures and
terror targeted on Black folk have given rise to fascistic
elements within each party, but in particular in the
Republican Party. The law and order slogans of each party is
coded language for a dictatorship of terror and repression
against Black folk. These forces of repression rely upon
legal, extra-legal and illegal measures against the Black
community. Along side these developments is the rise of
fascist and nazi paramilitary organizations that express
admiration for Adolph Hitler and the KKK. Pennsylvania
leads the nation in the sheer number of these groups.

The appearance of fascism and ultra-rightwing forces at
the highest levels of the major political parties and within
the government and the Courts, as well as armed paramilitary
groups whose members number in the hundreds of thousands, is
not just a threat to Black folk in the US, but to democracy
in the world and to international peace and security.

We are appealing for emergency action on the part of the
world community to act to interrupt and reverse this growing
and ominous threat to the lives and well being of Black
folk. We make this appeal not just on our behalf, but on
behalf of world peace. We look first and foremost to Asia
and Africa, who like us have experienced racial, colonial
and neo-colonial oppression.

We repeat, we foresee a horrific human tragedy if concerted
international action is not forthcoming. Black folk live
under a regime of terror in their communities and homes.
Seldom does this terror intrude into the lives of White
America. They, therefore, support the police and courts. In
this respect there is a crucial political disconnect between
Black and White opinion. A separation that bespeaks an
apartheid/neo-colonial reality. Whites, generally, enjoy
bourgeois freedoms and liberties, within the structures
of US capitalism. Africans Americans are politically and
legally marginalized and under assault. Hence, while most
White Americans deny any affinity with racism and racial
discrimination, their social and political practice belies
a profound investment in the oppression of Black folk and
the continuance of white supremacy.

On the eve of the Republican Convention a Black man was shot
five times then viciously beaten by a gang of Philadelphia
cops. Pictures of it, like the Rodney King beating, went
around the world, painting a live and dramatic portrait
of the Black condition in Philadelphia. A few days later
a homeless and mentally ill man was shot to death in the
city’s main train station. The brutal reputation of the
Philadelphia police is well documented. In the 1970′s the
US Justice Department took control of the Department due to
its documented racial discrimination and brutality. In 1985
they firebombed a Black neighborhood and murdered 11 people,
including five children. In recent years a 19 year old,
Donata Dawson, was shot while sitting in his car. Police
murdered a twenty-six year old worker, Erin Forbes; stopping
him on suspicious of a minor crime. Philadelphia is but
a microcosm of police treatment of Blacks nation wide.
Rather than aberrant behavior this brutality and murder is
government policy. Testament to this is that cops are seldom
if ever convicted of their crimes. As was the case in the
Amadou Diallo case prosecutors and the attorneys for the
cops conspire to prevent guilty verdicts.

We believe the authorities have declared war on Black
people. This war begins with politicians, policy makers and
judges at the highest levels of government and are carried
out on the street level by police departments. The major
political parties are complicit, neither opposes police
brutality, each supports more police, law and order
policies, police “get tough” tactics and more prisons.

The conscience of the world must be awakened to our plight.
We call upon humanity to speak out on our behalf. This human
calamity which is occurring to Africans in America portends
disaster for humanity. We make our appeal on the basis of
humanity, mutuality, human decency and peace. We cannot wait.

African Americans have stood and fought along side all
progressive and freedom seeking forces throughout the world.
We have stood shoulder to shoulder with Afro-Asiatic and
Latin American liberation struggles. We stood with India
against British colonialism. We heralded the Chinese
Revolution. We were with Nkrumah of Ghana, Azikwe of
Nigeria, Kenyatta of Kenya and Castro of Cuba. We stood firm
and actively opposed Portuguese colonialism, white settler
rule in Zimbabwe and South Africa’s annexation of Namibia.
We were among the first to raise the cry “Free Nelson
Mandela and All South African Political Prisoners”. We
demonstrated and fought for sanctions against the apartheid
regime. We now call upon humanity to come to our assistance
in this dark hour of our resistance.

*Statement Endorsers/Coalition Members include:

Sisters Supporting Sisters
Black Radical Congress, Philadelphia
African Peoples Solidarity Committee
Black Women Defense – Million Woman March
National Peoples Democratic UHURU Movement
National African Liberation Front — Dec. 12th
African American Freedom and Reconstruction League
Caribbean American Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty
Int’l Concerned Friends and Family of Mumia Abu-Jamal/MOVE
Nat’l Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (N’COBRA)

Posted in Black Oppression, AIDS, Poverty and Unemployment | Leave a comment

AIDS and the black community: The cost of denial is far too high

NOTE: This article appeared in The Philadelphia Inquirer in February 2001. I entered the issue of AIDS and denial in the African American community. I locate the denial in homophobia, which is a form of bad faith.

AIDS is forcing us literally to redefine what it means to be black in the new millennium. It’s a pan-African crisis, striking blacks in Africa and in America . Yet African America is heavily in denial – to its peril.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has released an alarming report showing that 30 percent of gay African American men in their 20s are infected with HIV, the virus that causes AIDS. These new statistics (along with those that show that 50 percent of women infected with HIV are African American) indicate that black people are bearing a disproportionate burden of HIV infection.

More than this, the AIDS pandemic is striking at the heart of African American culture and society: devastating the young, female, gay and most often poor. These realities must deeply trouble the souls of black people. We no longer have the luxury to turn away as though this were someone else’s problem. AIDS compels us, if we hope to survive this scourge, to reexamine our moral values, especially as they relate to human sexuality and gender.

I want to think about three important expressions of black culture – the streets, the church and the political arena. In each realm, black voices are denying that AIDS is a problem. They are saying that AIDS is not a major part of black reality.

These three cultural realms all say that black is straight and that black is male. We need the courage to say that this teaching is wrong, factually and ethically. Black is gay, young, poor and female, too, and as such, deserves the understanding and action of blacks for blacks.

To negotiate this new reality, we need what the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. referred to as a revolution of values. That revolution must challenge the secular, the sacred and the political domains of black life. We must ask how will the codes of the street, the church and politics either make it possible for us to overcome or to be overwhelmed by HIV/AIDS.

Street culture is most often a male macho domain. To be a man in the streets means that one is neither female nor gay. The streets cultivate and perfect the image of a mindless monster, the tough guy, the Lone Ranger in the ghetto. The code of the streets defines manhood in ways that desensitize young men to their own humanity and that of their people.

On the other hand, the church rejects the code of the streets – at least on the surface it does. But where the street code (for better or worse) is straightforward about its values, the church sends confusing messages about tolerance for homosexuality and gender.

The position of the black church is complicated because it has been socially marginalized, segregated, relegated to a socio-economically unequal status in society. So the black church constructs the image of the religious tough guy, who rather than using openly sadistic methods to deal with differences, uses so-called “tough love,” which is often more sadistic.

Then there are the politicians. Black politicians are preachers in the secular arena. They try to combine streets with church – which means they often combine the weaknesses and intolerance of both worlds.

All three realms are proudly black. Each invokes blackness to justify its refusal to deal with the meaning of AIDS and the relationship of AIDS to what it means to be black in America. That’s a deep and critical irony.

Rather than a united confrontation with the problem, in our public stances we have turned to banishment of the sufferers, even to falsification of the facts. We ostracize part of our people, or deny they are in need. Because we are tough guys, moral leaders or a combination of both, we are literally killing an entire sector of our community. By falsifying the magnitude of the human need that emerges from AIDS we are in collective cultural denial. We create a fantasy in which ultimately everything is going to be all right – or that somewhere a god or goddess or the government or the medical establishment will find a cure and save us.

AIDS is not just a grim reaper; it can be a profound teacher. What it teaches black folk is potentially different from what it teaches whites. Its main lesson is that if blackness means anything in the era of AIDS it must mean one love, one purpose, one people and one struggle. Unless black public life is altered to reflect these values, AIDS will do what neither 244 years of chattel slavery nor 100 years of Jim Crow segregation could not do: Take us out of history. Rather than get tough on those we view as different, it is time to get tough on the problem and confront AIDS and its denial.

Posted in Black Oppression, AIDS, Poverty and Unemployment | Leave a comment

LET’S LOOK TO BAYARD RUSTIN FOR INSPIRATION

Note: This article was published December 2002 in The Philadelphia Inquirer. It appeared at a time when a controversy raged in West Chester PA over renaming Bayard Rustin’s alma mater West Chester High School after him. The controversy was multilayered and involved not only Rustin’s homosexuality, but his radicalism and activism.

Bayard Rustin was one of those persons who from an early age are
comfortable in their skin. But he made many around him uncomfortable.
Certainly his life has honored the community he grew up in and the high
school from which he graduated as valedictorian. Along the way he was a
star athlete, member of the French, history and science clubs, and of the
school chorus. Rustin’s career after high school, his commitment to peace,
justice and civil and human rights, made of him one of the most important
people of his generation.
But Rustin was black, politically outspoken, pacifist, communist and
socialist. This was at any time in American history a dangerous
combination. But he also was an openly gay black man. By the very nature
of this he was a subversive.
His blackness and gayness, his invented British accent made him
different – some might suggest exotic – and a challenge to the racial and
sexual values of the American middle class then and now.
The problem that some in West Chester have with Rustin cannot be
located in one dimension of his, or their, lives. Black masculinity in its
heterosexual or homosexual expressions does not sit well with many people in
the white middle class. Add to the mix an outspoken and assertive
confidence, joined to a radical vision of remaking the world, and Rustin’s
memory becomes a little too much for the small-minded. That he defined
himself and would not let others define him is still a problem. He must be
dealt with on his terms and, just as he wished to change the world for the
better, his life forces us to change ourselves for the better by engaging
our fears and vulnerabilities concerning race and sexuality.
Yet we are not in ordinary times. The nation is at war. At any time
in America black men are an endangered group. In times of war black
masculinity is considered almost a fifth-column movement. Some would prefer
that black men become invisible. Others feel comfortable with the
hyper-visibility of the stereotypes of black men: brutes, criminals,
minstrels and clowns. Bayard Rustin’s life challenges the stereotypes.
Rustin believed America could be great – but only if she confronted
her demons and prejudices. So President Bush and Bayard Rustin are at
opposite ends of the human continuum. One believes in war, the other in
peace and justice.
I believe that history stands with Bayard Rustin. Just as we learn
from history, we also learn from large figures in history. We learn from
them by engaging the rich diversity that defines their being. Bayard Rustin
is the hero we need, and certainly we need a school named to honor him.

Posted in Black Intellectual, Political and Ideological Issues | Leave a comment

GIANTS AT THE WALLS OF JERICHO: THE LEGACIES OF DUBOIS, ROBESON, MALCOLM AND KING

Mass resistance of an unprecedented level will be required to reverse the current crisis, blunt the forces of racism and save Black folk from the ravages of capitalism. Martin Luther King over forty years ago, as the nation plunged deeper into war in Vietnam and poverty at home, spoke of `the fierce urgency of now’. There was, he insisted, such a thing as being too late. “Procrastination” he declared, “is still the thief of time.” Like then, we, as a people, are faced with the fact that tomorrow is today. In the broad sweep of history, finally, there are no acceptable excuses for being too late. As we enter the second decade of the 21st century, war in Iraq and Afganistan, economic stagnation, recession, poverty and homelessness are a bitches brew of tragedy and suffering. Hopelessness, alienation and wretchedness define the psychological landscape. The 2008 election of Barack Obama, the first African American President, based on hope is now producing its opposite. The question is now what do we do and where are we going.

Yet to fully understand these events and what we must now do, the legacy of struggle we inherit must be grasped. In particular, the current historic moment demands we understand the meaning of the lives and works of W.E.B DuBois, Paul Robeson, Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. This is decisive if we are to move forward and overcome the many obstacles that we confront.

THE PROBLEM OF THE COLOR LINE
W.E.B DuBois in 1903 presciently proclaimed, “The problem of the twentieth century will be the problem of the color line.” By which he meant that the problem of this century (and now the twenty first) is the problem of the emancipation of close to 5 billion people from racial and colonial oppression. DuBois extended this logic in his monumental historical study Black Reconstruction. There he showed that the failure of the US nation to solve the problem of the color line after slavery and the fact that the white elite opted for Jim Crow segregation threw the nation and Black folk back towards slavery. He theorized that had the white poor united with the black former slaves and had forty acres and a mule been extended to Blacks the nation’s history in the twentieth century would have been profoundly different. However, racism and capitalism, he showed, became inextricably united. Ultimately DuBois argued capitalism would not reform itself and would have to be fundamentally transformed. African Americans, however, could not, and should not be asked to, wait upon whites to join them in common actions against racism. They must, under even the best circumstances be prepared to adopt what he called a nation within a nation strategy: whereby Blacks would develop economic, social and political resistance through cooperatives and collective and joint political and economic enterprises. He said the foundation for this was already laid in the Black churches and colleges. What was lacking was the full commitment of the Black intelligentsia–the so-called talented tenth.
In 1927 he made his first trip to the Soviet Union and was impressed with how a backward nation could leap forward. He would be similarly impressed with his later visit to China. After his trip to the Soviet Union he insisted, “If what I’ve seen is Bolshevism, than I am a Bolshevik.” What impressed him was the ability of a nation to collectively plan industrialization and cooperative agriculture.
By the time of the Cold War and McCarthyism in the 1950’s DuBois’s peace, anti-colonial and race militancy had brought him up against the most reactionary forces in the US. He was arrested in 1952 for opposition to the Korean War. In protest of this blatantly anti-democratic action by the US government he said, “Blessed are the peace makers for they shall be called Communists. Is that praise for the Communist, or condemnation for the peacemakers?” After almost 90 years of activism and scholarship he joined the Communist Party of the USA. Writing to the party he said: “capitalism cannot reform itself” and must, therefore, be replaced by socialism.

ROBESON: TRIBUNE OF THE MASSES
Paul Robeson was a mighty tribune of the Black masses. This year is the centenary of his birth. Robeson put his enormous intellect and artistic talent at the service of the struggle for Black liberation. He was by training a lawyer. The son of a former slave, he would become one of this century’s great actors and concert artists. He was a four-lettered athlete at Rutgers University and graduated at the top of his class. Paul Robeson emerged as a unique twentieth century Renaissance human being– with capabilities in the arts, science, literature, athletics and political struggles.
Robeson (viewed by DuBois as a son, having lost his son in Atlanta in 1900) applied DuBois’s fundamental insights and theoretical conclusions to mass movements. He called for a united front of the international forces fighting for democracy and peace. Believing that fascism constituted the greatest danger to humanity, he also recognized that at the heart of fascism is racism. Moreover, he saw the defense of the Soviet Union against Nazism during World War II, and later US imperialism during the Cold War, as vital to the defense of the national liberation struggles of the peoples of Africa and Asia. He also advanced the idea that the defense of the rights of working people required a fight to uphold the rights of each of its racial and national components. In this respect he advanced DuBois’s concept of the centrality of African Americans to all struggles for democracy in the Unites States.
The Black‑Jewish alliance had special meaning for Robeson. Robeson’s thinking and practice with respect to Blacks and Jews is of special importance in the 1990′s. As he put it, there is a “significant relationship of the Jewish people’s interests with those of the Negro people.” While upholding this vital principle, he would hasten to add, “the cause of democracy, the rights of all other minorities are inseparably linked with the liberation struggles of the Negro people.” While the descendants of American slavery and of the early Jewish settlers would inevitably develop along different paths, there were, he would assert, ” in all the diverse strands which make up the web of American history… direct threads which link the interests of the Negro and Jewish people from earliest times.” For Robeson, these common interests were deepened as a consequence of the Nazi Holocaust. He saw anti‑Semitism as a form of national oppression, akin to, though not as intense as institutional racism. Moreover, while Robeson supported the rights of the Jewish people to a homeland, he did not abandon his firm stance that the Jewish people’s rights did not supercede those of the Palestinian people, who also had a right to a homeland and statehood. Robeson, as the political situation in the Middle East developed, was forced to differentiated between right wing Jewish nationalism– called Zionism– and the Jewish people. He believed that Zionism, which increasingly took on a racist and colonial essence, undermined the Black -Jewish alliance.
His criticisms of Zionism in no way deterred him from the path of solidarity with progressive Jewish forces. Employing his mighty voice at Carnegie Hall in 1947 at a commemoration for the Jewish victims of Nazism he sang the Kol Nidra (the Jewish Song for the Dead) with such passion that many in attendance said that even the walls wept.

THE HEROIC MALCOLM X
As youth in prison in the mid 1940″s Malcolm X had two living heroes, Elijah Muhammad and Paul Robeson. Emerging from prison at the height of the Cold War and McCarthyism and when progressive forces were under attack, it was the Nation of Islam that Malcolm joined. However, by 1960 his views began to resemble Paul Robeson’s. While he did not meet Robeson until 1964, only months before he was assassinated, he had come to the conclusion that Robeson’s heroic stance had answers that he and millions like him sought. Like Paul Robeson and William L. Patterson, Malcolm X worked to bring the case of the African American people before the UN General Assembly and the World Court. But more, he was seeking ways to unite his efforts with the Civil Rights Movement and other progressives, including the Communist Party. Speaking to the Oxford Union Society in December 1964, he said, “I for one will join in with anyone, I don’t care what color you are, as long as you want to change this miserable condition that exists on this earth.” Ultimately Malcolm threw his lot with the oppressed and e4xploited on a world scale. He applauded the Chinese Revolution and praised the Vietnamese resistance to US aggression. He was a defender of African and Asian unity; demanding that in politics, especially on a world scale, it would be wrong and counterproductive to make religion a precondition for unity.

KING AND THE REVOLUTIONARY CHOICE
Martin Luther King Jr. contended that the Civil Rights alliance could be the basis for forging a united people’s movement against war, racism and poverty. At the heart of this alliance was the Black‑labor alliance. As King put it, “If the Negro wins, labor wins.” Immediately after the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 he focused the movement upon urban poverty and the war in Vietnam. He declared that the US government was “the major purveyor of violence on the planet”. And that the fate of the nation rested on whether the people’s movements could defeat the forces of war, exploitation and racism. This remains true today. He defined the military industrial complex as the chief purveyor of racism and the principal enemy of the poor. And condemned the brutal irony of a government which could send Black, Brown, white,Yellow and Red youth to fight and die together in foreign adventures, but could not seat them together in the same school.
By 1967 King was calling for the “restructuring of the whole of American society.” He said, “You see, my friends, when you deal with this, you begin to ask the question, `Who owns the oil?”…`Who owns the iron ore?” Martin Luther King at the end of his life concluded, “These are revolutionary times. All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression. And out of the womb of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born.” He went on, “Our only hope today is in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit.” He called upon the American people to get on the right side of the world revolution. Speaking at Carnegie Hall only months before his assassination, he commemorated the life of W.E.B DuBois. He noted that DuBois had been a radical all of his life. DuBois, King insisted, chose the revolutionary path. This choice was not only legitimate, but, in the end, noble and praiseworthy. Like DuBois, Robeson and Malcolm, King made the choice for revolution as the solution to what in 1903 DuBois defined as the problem of the twentieth century. A problem that had become inextricably united with capitalism itself.
In this African American history month it is proper to pay tribute to the legacy and contributions of DuBois, Robeson, Malcolm and King. We also recognize that it was logical that the most significant leaders of the African American people in this century chose a revolutionary path. They provide a profound model for our people as we strive to achieve a new stage of struggle and unity.

Posted in Black Intellectual, Political and Ideological Issues | Leave a comment